Preventive journalism as a means of controlling regional media in Russia

Abstract

This article utilizes new institutional theory and its principle -coercive isomorphism -to examine explicit and implicit pressures exerted on news organizations by a regional government in Russia in 2009 and 2010. The study found that while empowering regional reporters by the myth of helping underprivileged citizens, the authorities divert the media from scrutinizing the government. The political officials outsource media relations to media themselves, turning them into public relations agents. This mission seems to homogenize the content of regional newspapers since the government becomes the main source of information.In an attempt to capitalize on the perestroika and glasnost legacy, former Russian President Medvedev demanded openness and transparency from the state and regional governments. However, historically in Russia, the concept of glasnost has aimed to control, rather than promote, freedom of speech (Rulyova, 2010). Given that two Russian leaders of the 20th century -Lenin and Gorbachev -encouraged glasnost as a means to limit 'what could be publicly discussed' (Rulyova, 2010: 234), Medvedev's effort to simulate transparency was not a new phenomenon in Russian politics.

Commercial or public service actors? Controversies in the nature of Russia's regional mass media

“…criticizing the authorities) of local journalism has decreased, while 'a paternalistic relationship to the audience has retained its position' (p. 128). Erzikova and Lowrey (2014) noticed that, at the regional level, this paternalistic model is 'refracted' in a strange manner. Local authorities tend to empower regional journalists by bolstering the myth that they are helping underprivileged citizens.…”

“…Local authorities tend to empower regional journalists by bolstering the myth that they are helping underprivileged citizens. This position is beneficial for local officials who divert the media from scrutinizing the government too closely (Erzikova & Lowrey, 2014). Journalists, in turn, interpret their collaboration with the government as a form of 'social responsibilityan important aspect of legitimacyrationalizing it as a chance to help the disadvantaged' (Erzikova & Lowrey, 2014, p. 48).…”

“…Journalists, in turn, interpret their collaboration with the government as a form of 'social responsibilityan important aspect of legitimacyrationalizing it as a chance to help the disadvantaged' (Erzikova & Lowrey, 2014, p. 48). Operating under the clientelist framework, local journalists view public service duty and social responsibility as crucial to their public and professional legitimacy (Erzikova & Lowrey, 2014).…”

“…Recent changes in Russia's regional media system Previous research had a strong focus on analysing media-political relations as the main explanatory factor which shaped the regional media landscape of Russia. However, political influence always goes hand-in-hand with economic factors (Erzikova & Lowrey, 2014. The professional culture of local journalists is considered another important element of Russia's regional media (Pasti & Pietiläinen, 2008;Roudakova, 2017).…”

Moscow districts’ social media communities: content and its moderation

“…Среди современных исследователей региональных медиа России выде лим О. С. Довбыш [Довбыш, 2016aDovbysh, 2016], Э. Ержикову и В. Лоури [Erzikova, Lowrey, 2014, М. С. Шкондина [Свитич, Смирнова, Шкондин, 2017; Шкондин, 2015] и др. Авторы отмечают тесные системные связи, высокий уровень С. Г. Давыдов, О. С. Логунова ПРЕДСТАВЛЯЕМ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЕ экономической и политической зависимости современных региональных масс медиа России от власти.…”