Abstract:Introduction Urban design is about form and about governing the social use of city space to make it disciplined, repetitious, tamed. When urbanism is about the spatialisation of life, we must consider, as Henri Lefevbre suggests, that``every plan is a plan for an everyday life'' (Franze¨n and Sandstedt, 1982, page 6). There is certainly a moral in urban design (Joyce, 2003) and urban planning must be seen as being about`orchestrating' life (Sennett, 1991). Urbanism is intentional but is no longer understood as… Show more
“…The local activist's intervention could be seen as a "presenceeffect" developed in the relational space of the event, and thus tied to the unpredictability that each event unavoidably carries with it (Pløger, 2010). In spite of the fact that each MC event was widely documented by the organizing group, it was not possible to find any trace of the local activist's intervention.…”
Section: How MC Territorialized Its Meaning-effectsmentioning
confidence: 81%
“…(Pløger, 2010). The two dimensions correspond to the double meaning of the right to the city outlined by Lefebvre (Purcell, 2006): the former concerns the use and appropriation of space through event participation, the latter refers to the centrality of such participation in defining the event's meaning-effects.…”
Section: Two Empirical Illustrationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The relevance of urban events is nowadays significant enough to give rise to a new modality of production of space (Lefebvre, 1992): the "eventification of places" (Jakob, 2012) or "eventalisation of urban space" (Pløger, 2010). As whatever production of space, lived ("eventified") spaces result from the intersection between perceived and conceived spaces (Purcell, 2003): the material settings experienced and perceived during events and the variety of representations and narratives by which events are used to valorize the urban space (Pavoni, 2011).…”
Section: Practicing a Right To The City Through Participating In Eventsmentioning
“…The local activist's intervention could be seen as a "presenceeffect" developed in the relational space of the event, and thus tied to the unpredictability that each event unavoidably carries with it (Pløger, 2010). In spite of the fact that each MC event was widely documented by the organizing group, it was not possible to find any trace of the local activist's intervention.…”
Section: How MC Territorialized Its Meaning-effectsmentioning
confidence: 81%
“…(Pløger, 2010). The two dimensions correspond to the double meaning of the right to the city outlined by Lefebvre (Purcell, 2006): the former concerns the use and appropriation of space through event participation, the latter refers to the centrality of such participation in defining the event's meaning-effects.…”
Section: Two Empirical Illustrationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The relevance of urban events is nowadays significant enough to give rise to a new modality of production of space (Lefebvre, 1992): the "eventification of places" (Jakob, 2012) or "eventalisation of urban space" (Pløger, 2010). As whatever production of space, lived ("eventified") spaces result from the intersection between perceived and conceived spaces (Purcell, 2003): the material settings experienced and perceived during events and the variety of representations and narratives by which events are used to valorize the urban space (Pavoni, 2011).…”
Section: Practicing a Right To The City Through Participating In Eventsmentioning
“…They can make the public character of public spaces more visible (Citroni and Karrholm , 2017), create temporary 'assemblages' of people and materials (Sendra, 2015), and encourage different users and uses once they have ended (Lehtovuori, 2010). Drawing on Simmel's work, Pløger (2010) uses the term 'eventalisation' to refer to instances where temporary events highlight the potential for heterotopic use of urban space. In such analysis we see convergence between the notion of an event as an organised gathering of people and the idea of an event as a significant rupture of convention.…”
Section: Public Spaces As Event Venuesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In such analysis we see convergence between the notion of an event as an organised gathering of people and the idea of an event as a significant rupture of convention. According to Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett (2010), changing the perception and social use of urban public spaces demands intervention that writes a new script; and events can act in this disruptive fashion, creating revised narratives and alternative modes of social ordering (Pløger, 2010).…”
Urban parks have always been contested and contradictory spaces: highly ordered and elitist, yet valued as democratic places and public amenities. In an era of neoliberal austerity there are greater pressures for parks to pay for themselves and the associated commercialisation often exacerbates conflicts between park users and managing authorities. This paper focuses on how their increased use as venues for commercial events affects the publicness of urban parks. This issue is explored via the case of Battersea Park in London which was used as a venue for Formula E motor races in 2015 and 2016. These events disrupted park access during race weekends, but also in the periods when the venue was assembled / disassembled. The events were resisted by a community action group whose campaigning eventually resulted in the decision by Formula E to cease racing in Battersea Park. The paper analyses how Formula E events were justified and opposed using a form of rhetorical analysis inspired by the work of Michael Billig. Interviews were undertaken with key stakeholders involved in the case and their arguments were analysed to reveal different ways of thinking about public parks. The dispute is understood as one underpinned by different interpretations of who and what a park is for, and by contrasting views on the impact of interruptions to everyday routines. The Formula E events reduced public access, but the dispute surrounding the events arguably made Battersea Park more public by generating debate and by provoking local activists to defend their park.
2Justifying and resisting public park commercialisation: The battle for Battersea Park
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