Preliminary findings on police custody delivery in the twenty-first century: Is it ‘good’ enough?

Abstract

Since the 1980s, police custody in England and Wales has seen the civilianisation and privatisation of key roles formerly performed by police officers and changes to how police custody suites are managed and owned. These changes have been encapsulated in a five-pronged typology of custody suites identified by Skinns et al. Drawing on theories about 'good' policing as well as quantitative and qualitative data collected as part of an ongoing study of 'good' police custody, this paper provides some preliminary answers to two key questions: Can police custody ever be 'good' for suspects and, relatedly, are some types of custody suites likely to be better than others, in this regard? What are the implications for 'good' policing? We show that of the five types of custody suites identified in Skinns et al., the 'unhurried hybrid' may be particularly beneficial to 'good' experiences of police custody; for example, the conditions of custody are better and may facilitate a more trusting relationship between suspects and the police. The data also show that theories about 'good' policing are relevant and useful for conceptualising 'good' police custody; though of the five dimensions of 'good' policing some (e.g. policing as just) are more relevant than others (e.g. policing as crime reduction). ARTICLE HISTORY

“They just don’t care about us!”: Police custody experiences for young men with histories of injecting drug use

“…If indeed, as is claimed in the Policing and Human Rights: Standards for Police Cells toolkit, that “all persons deprived of liberty must be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person” (OPI, 2008, p. 1), an investment and commitment by government to enforce these standards is necessary. The work of Skinns and colleagues (Skinns, 2018, 2019; Skinns et al., 2015) on good policing practices offers important insights. Furthermore, the Australian Government’s ratification (in 2017) of the United Nations (UN) Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2018), which will require police custody facilities to be independently inspected and monitored by a UN Subcommittee, also has the potential to bridge the gap between rhetoric and practice.…”

“…At this time, untreated health issues and unmet needs in the social and welfare domains are common and may be exacerbated by the psychological distress of arrest and/or drug intoxication and withdrawal (Coghlan, Gannoni, Goldsmid, Patterson, & Willis, 2015; Ogloff, Warren, Tye, Blaher, & Thomas, 2011). Although a small (albeit growing) body of research has focused on the experience of police detainees in Australia and the UK (Choongh, 1998; Dixon, 1997, 2005; Kendall, 2018; McDaniel, 2019; Skinns, 2011, 2019; Skinns, Wooff, & Sprawson, 2015; Wooff & Skinns, 2018), no previous researchers (to our knowledge) have attended to the perspectives of young men or those with injecting drug use histories.…”

Reconciling mental health, public policing and police accountability

“…The disjointed nature of the endeavour is reflected in the fact that some police forces will employ mental health professionals within the custody suite for set times during the day, some will wait for nurses or doctors to arrive within a 90-minute period, while other forces rely on a combination of co-located mental health professionals and dedicated mental health support lines which police officers can call. As Skinns et al (2017) have observed, the opening up of the 'backstage' nature of the custody suite, where police officers traditionally '… felt free from legal and formal organizational rules…', to civilian 'outsiders', can foster greater accountability and transparency but the contractual nature of the work can also serve to make the system more opaque and unaccountable. HMIC (2015) has reported that delays continue to be commonplace; requests for assistance are not always responded to; healthcare teams are not always available around the clock; and systems for recording and sharing information are incomplete and prone to error.…”

The role of emotion, space and place in police custody in England: Towards a geography of police custody

“…At the charge desk expressions of anger, frustration, anguish and aggression were not uncommon. This was primarily because, although police custody is considered a ‘backstage’ area of policing (Skinns et al 2017a, 2017b), the charge desk represents the most public area of the suite. It is here that charging decisions, risk assessments and release are conducted.…”

“…3 See Skinns et al. (2017a, 2017b) for further information about the findings from this survey and further explanation of the typology.…”