Preclassic Obsidian Procurement and Utilization at the Maya Site of Colha, Belize

Abstract

This study explores the early use of obsidian at the Maya site of Colha in northern Belize and the implications that variations in source distribution have for the site and its regional connections. Energy dispersive x-ray fluorescence (EDXRF) analysis of 104 specimens of obsidian from Preclassic contexts at the site identified El Chayal obsidian as the most common overall followed closely by that from San Martin Jilotepeque. Ixtepeque obsidian, not common in many Preclassic assemblages, was also strongly represented. The results revealed a Middle Preclassic dependence on San Martin obsidian gradually diminishing through the Preclassic to the Classic period, when San Martin all but disappears from the site. A corresponding increase in El Chayal obsidian use through time at Colha coincides with the rise of Kaminaljuyu in the Guatemalan highlands. Analysis of the obsidian by context indicated that El Chayal obsidian dominated in architectural and ritual deposits while Ixtepeque obsidian was the most common in workshops. San Martin accounted for a slightly greater percentage than El Chayal obsidian in middens, with Ixtepeque materials notably less common. The data indicate that Colha was connected to a broad distribution network from the Middle Preclassic onward, and that obsidian source variability was greater during the Preclassic than the subsequent Classic period.

The Elusive Maya Marketplace: An Archaeological Consideration of the Evidence

“…But looked at closely, the value and availability of obsidian varies considerably over time due to changing political and trade relationships (Barrett 2006;Braswell and Glascock 2003;Clark and Lee 2007;Dreiss and Brown 1989;Rice 1987). Obsidian was traded into the lowlands at least as early as the Middle Preclassic and became widely available during the Classic period, despite fluctuations by source and site that may reflect trade disruptions due to the political turmoil of the times (Aoyama 2001;Braswell 2003Braswell , 2004Brown et al 2004;Dreiss and Brown 1989). However, it was during the Postclassic that obsidian seemed to be the most commercialized and accessible to all social levels (Rice 1987), perhaps due to the ease of transport with an increase in maritime trade Freidel et al 2002).…”

Assessing the applicability of portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometry for obsidian provenance research in the Maya lowlands

“…6) and in the Tikal Yaxha corridor (Ford et al, 1997: 103), both in the central Peté n. However, in both of those studies Ixtapeque formed a smaller percentage of the assemblages (<5%) than at Ex Xux or Uxbenká . In this regard, our sources suggest slightly more affinity with Colha in northern coastal Belize, where Classic period assemblages consisted of 51% El Chayal and 47% Ixtapeque (Brown et al, 2004: Table 2). …”

“…Chemical sourcing studies demonstrate that long-distance trade of obsidian was an important aspect of Maya economies starting in at least 400 BC (e.g., Brown et al, 2004;Fowler et al, 1989;Hammond, 1981;Kovacevich et al, 2006;Moholy-Nagy, 2003;Masson and Chaya, 2000). Three Highland Guatemalan sources dominated obsidian assemblages in the Maya Lowlands: El Chayal, Ixtapeque, and San Martin Jilotepeque, with other sources such as San Barolome Milpas in Guatemala, and Pachuca in central Mexico minimally represented (Glascock et al, 1998).…”

Middle Preclassic Interregional Interaction and the Maya Lowlands

“…Obsidian from Ixtepeque, in eastern Guatemala, is present at Colha and elsewhere (Brown et al 2004). In the northern lowlands, most obsidian blades from Xtobó have been visually sourced to El Chayal, although two were from SMJ and one from a central Mexican source (Anderson 2011, p. 311).…”