From the first millennium B.C. through the 9th-century A.D. Classic Maya collapse, nonurban populations grew exponentially, doubling every 408 years, in the twin-lake (Yaxha-Sacnab) basin that contained the Classic urban center of Yaxha. Pollen data show that forests were essentially cleared by Early Classic time. Sharply accelerated slopewash and colluviation, amplified in the Yaxha subbasin by urban construction, transferred nutrients plus calcareous, silty clay to both lakes. Except for the urban silt, colluvium appearing as lake sediments has a mean total phosphorus concentration close to that of basin soils. From this fact, from abundance and distribution of soil phosphorus, and from continuing post-Maya influxes (80 to 86 milligrams of phosphorus per square meter each year), which have no other apparent source, we conclude that riparian soils are anthrosols and that the mechanism of long-term phosphorus loading in lakes is mass transport of soil. Per capita deliveries of phosphorus match physiological outputs, approximately 0.5 kilogram of phosphorus per capita per year. Smaller apparent deliveries reflect the nonphosphatic composition of urban silt; larger societal outputs, expressing excess phosphorus from deforestation and from food waste and mortuary disposal, are probable but cannot be evaluated from our data. Eutrophication is not demonstrable and was probably impeded, even in less-impacted lakes, by suspended Maya silt. Environmental strain, the product of accelerating agroengineering demand and sequestering of nutrients in colluvium, developed too slowly to act as a servomechanism, damping population growth, at least until Late Classic time.
E-group architectural assemblages, constructed and used for more than a millennium in the Maya Lowlands, are among the most distinctive and enduring forms in Mesoamerican monumental architecture. Since the 1920s, E-groups have been thought to mark the solstices and equinoxes, but more recent investigations have shown that these alignments were rarely accurate. We argue that accurate solar alignment was probably only a minor element, and primarily an early one, of a larger set of metaphorically linked design considerations that included concepts of sacred geography, ritual performance in reference to yearly solar and agricultural cycles, and longer cycles of time, especially katuns, that played a role in Lowland Maya geopolitical structuring.
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Studies of the organization of Maya pottery production have been pursued via numerous methods but without theoretical models. I review available data on production of Late Classic southern lowland Maya polychrome pottery in light of my calendrically based may model of geopolitical organization. I conclude that: (1) production arrangements vary by "kind" of pottery; (2) "craft specialization" and "workshops" are inappropriate concepts; (3) study of polychrome production necessitates multiple approaches, including analysis of decorative content; (4) better "bridging arguments" and "middle-range theory" are needed; (5) figural polychromes were "inalienable" wealth goods; and (6) they were painted in palaces of primary and secondary centers-may and k'atun seats in the model-in realmspecific signature styles.Pottery in Mesoamerica was made in a multitude of shapes and colors to meet a multitude of needs, both quotidian and ceremonial. The most abundant pottery consists of containers for the preparation, serving, and storage of solid and liquid foodstuffs and also might be used for gifts, display, funerary service, burning of resins, and ritual caches. Non-container fired clay goods such as figurines, whistles, rattles, drums, and the like are also common. Among the Classic Maya, the best known ceramics are multi-colored polychromes painted with human figures, glyphic texts, mythic and palace scenes, and myriad floral, faunal, and geometric motifs.
Classic lowland Maya censers can be described in
terms of two general categories, image (or effigy) and
non-image. The function and meaning of these incensarios
is approached through consideration of their embellishment,
symbolism, and contexts of use and recovery. It is suggested
that in Peten and some adjacent areas, Classic image censers
were part of the paraphernalia of divine kingship, associated
with termination rituals and a royal funerary cult. Non-image
and particularly spiked censers were more associated with
birth/renewal, earth, rain, and calendrical rituals involving
fire drilling. Their use became widespread in the lowlands
during the Terminal Classic period, with the “collapse”
of divine kingship and elite power.
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