Post-focal and factive deaccentuation in Persian

Rahmani, Hojjat; Rietveld, Toni; Gussenhoven, Carlos

doi:10.5334/gjgl.328

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…ω is the domain of obligatory syllabification which roughly corresponds to a simple/derived stem plus inflectional affixes and clitics. φ and ι may be characteri ed by different degrees of pause length and pre-boundary lengthening [4]. Importantly, the distribution of accent in Persian utterances is in no way correlated with the prosodic phrasing.…”

Section: Prosodic Hierarchy Is Irrelevant To Accent Distributionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The corresponding f0 contours for the naming expression in (8a) and its sentential counterpart in (8b) are given in Figure 3 and Figure 4, respectively. Note that in Persian all accents at the phrase or clause level are phonologically equal [4]. In addition to the syntactically driven accent H, there are two boundary tones in the language: L% for declaratives and Whquestions, and H% for yes/no questions.…”

Section: Naming Expressionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Persian 'word stress' is a syntax-driven tone

Rahmani¹

2018

6th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages (TAL 2018)

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Prominence in Persian words is generally referred to as 'word stress'. An important aspect in which the notion of Persian 'word stress' is flawed is that the location of 'stressed' syllables is entirely governed by syntax. That is, neither is it the case that 'stressed' syllables are in any way determined in the lexicon, nor is it the case that they are determined in the phonology, whether lexical or post-lexical, Persian 'stress' functions in syntax much as would a segmentally encoded particle.Abbreviations DER = derivational, DUR = durative, EZ = Ezafe, FUT = future, NEG = negation, OM = object marker, SUB = subjunctive, VOC = vocative

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Section: Prosodic Hierarchy Is Irrelevant To Accent Distributionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Naming Expressionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Persian 'word stress' is a syntax-driven tone

Rahmani¹

2018

6th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages (TAL 2018)

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“…An inspection of Taheri Ardali and Xu (2012) and Sadat Tehrani’s (2009) results suggests that information structure does not affect the presence of pitch accents on the words preceding the NPA. Rahmani, Rietveld, and Gussenhoven (2018) show that every content word preceding the NPA of the sentence retains its pitch accent, even if it contains given information. Therefore, the words in the pre-wh part of both declaratives and wh-in-situ questions have pitch accents and can, thus, be compared (see Section 3.1).…”

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confidence: 91%

Do Persian Native Speakers Prosodically Mark Wh-in-situ Questions?

2018

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It has been shown that prosody contributes to the contrast between declarativity and interrogativity, notably in interrogative utterances lacking lexico-syntactic features of interrogativity. Accordingly, it may be proposed that prosody plays a role in marking wh-in-situ questions in which the interrogativity feature (the wh-phrase) does not move to sentence-initial position, as, for example, in Persian. This paper examines whether prosody distinguishes Persian wh-in-situ questions from declaratives in the absence of the interrogativity feature in the sentence-initial position. To answer this question, a production experiment was designed in which wh-questions and declaratives were elicited from Persian native speakers. On the basis of the results of previous studies, we hypothesize that prosodic features mark wh-in-situ questions as opposed to declaratives at both the local (pre- and post-wh part) and global level (complete sentence). The results of the current study confirm our hypothesis that prosodic correlates mark the pre-wh part as well as the complete sentence in wh-in-situ questions. The results support theoretical concepts such as the frequency code, the universal dichotomous association between relaxation and declarativity on the one hand and tension and interrogativity on the other, the relation between prosody and pragmatics, and the relation between prosody and encoding and decoding of sentence type.

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Makkan Arabic does not have post-focus compression: a production and perception study

Alzaidi

2022

Phonetica

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Post-focus compression (PFC), in which words following focus are compressed in F 0 and intensity, is recently found to be effective in encoding focus. Recent studies find that PFC is present in Egyptian, Hijazi and Lebanese Arabic, and hence they are classified as +PFC languages. However, there are languages from the same family language which differ mainly in terms of the presence and absence of PFC. The current study investigated the production and perception of prosodic focus marking in Makkan Arabic, an under-researched Arabic dialect. Systematic acoustic analyses and statistical tests show that (a) the on-focus word is realized by expanding the excursion size, increasing the F 0 and strengthening the intensity of its stressed syllable, (b) information and contrastive focus are not prosodically distinguishable, (c) Makkan Arabic lacks PFC, and (d) focus recognition is low compared to Hijazi Arabic (+PFC), Taiwanese and Taiwan Mandarin (other −PFC languages). The new findings, taken together with recent findings, suggest that (1) the prosodic encoding of focus is different across Arabic dialects productively and perceptually, and (2) the on-focus raising is not a sufficient factor in recognizing prosodic cues to focus. These results contribute to broadening our understanding of different prosodic focus markings cross-linguistically and cross-dialectally.

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Post-focal and factive deaccentuation in Persian

Cited by 3 publications

References 23 publications

Persian 'word stress' is a syntax-driven tone

Persian 'word stress' is a syntax-driven tone

Do Persian Native Speakers Prosodically Mark Wh-in-situ Questions?

Makkan Arabic does not have post-focus compression: a production and perception study

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