Por Dios y por las armas: el ascenso neopentecostal y securitario en Brasil (2003-2019)

Abstract

Este artículo analiza la evolución del espacio político brasileño en los poderes legislativo y ejecutivo, a partir de la convergencia de la aproximación entre pautas y actores de seguridad y el cristianismo neopentecostal; proceso que experimentó un momento de ascensión en los años 2000 y se consumó con la elección como presidente del país de Jair Bolsonaro en octubre de 2018. A través del análisis de actas gubernamentales, propuestas legislativas y materiales periodísticos, se trazan los perfiles de las principales agrupaciones armamentísticas/securitarias y neopentecostales en el legislativo brasileño. Tomando como objeto de estudio el Frente Parlamentario Evangélico y el Frente Parlamentario de Seguridad Pública, se demuestra el crecimiento, entre 2011 y 2019, de su influencia y alineamiento mutuo.

Why are Brazilians so interested in gun control? Putting the Multiple Streams Framework to the test

“…Particularly relevant for the political stream are the nonpartisan parliamentary groups known as the bancada da bala, which gather policymakers who are strongly in favor of gun rights and sympathize with a tough-on-crime position (Faganello, 2015 (Hinz, Vinuto, and Coutinho, 2020).…”

“…With the advent of his presidency, the heavy influence of the bancada da bala is no longer limited to the Legislative Power. So much so, that Bolsonaro's original cabinet included no less than seven military ministers (Quadros and Madeira, 2018;Hinz, Vinuto, and Coutinho, 2020).…”

“…In retrospect, the approval of the Statute initiated a strong and enduring mobilization of conservative forces that conformed a powerful local gun lobby. Its efforts were spearheaded by the Bullet Front, which grew in numbers and influence with every legislative election (Macaulay, 2019;Hinz, Vinuto, and Coutinho, 2020). One of their first major offensives materialized in a Direct Unconstitutionality Action, to which the Federal Supreme Court responded in 2007 by upholding the general constitutionality of the Statute, albeit overruling specific sanctions for illegal gun carrying.…”

“…In what constitutes another regional rarity, gun control managed to call the attention of local academics, who have studied the prominent role played by religious communities (Cesar Conrado, 2006) and non-governmental organizations (Lucas, 2008;Ballestrin, 2010) in agenda-setting, the legislative discussions of the Disarmament Statute (Santos, 2007) and the influence of Lula's administration (Inácio, 2006) and of the Parliamentary Front of Public Security (e.g. : Faganello, 2015;Macaulay, 2019;Hinz, Vinuto, and Coutinho, 2020) in the legislative agenda. Authors have also tried to explain why Brazilian legislators delegated their decision-making powers to the electorate in 2005 (Correa and Nunes, 2006;Magalhães Araújo and Santana, 2006), as well as the influence of written media (Fuks and Novais, 2006), social networks (Sorj, 2006), communication campaigns (Lissovsky, 2006) and public propaganda (Vital da Cunha, 2006) in the referendum campaign, just like the overall reasons behind its surprising result (Iser, 2006;Mota, 2006).…”

Anti-Abortion Mobilization in Latin America: Signs of a Field in Transformation

“…Evangelical Churches have been increasingly disputing electoral positions with Christian politicians and parliamentary alliances across the region. Over the last twenty years, Evangelical representatives have entered party politics and evidenced an increasing presence in parliaments in Argentina, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Brazil, Chile, Honduras, El Salvador, Mexico, and Peru, among other countries (PASSARINHO, 2019;HINZ, VINUTO and COUTINHO, 2020). In fact, the emergence of confessional Evangelical political parties in several Latin American countries is considered as the main novelty in party systems that changed very little during the continent's re-democratization processes initiated in the 1980s (SILVA, 2018;MARIANO and GERARDI, 2019;SMITH, 2019).…”