‘Populism as a medium of mass mobilization’: The case of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

Türk, H. Bahadır

doi:10.1177/2233865918761111

Cited by 28 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 58 publications

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“…The logic of appropriateness, as an informal institutional product of this strong leader tradition, rests on the idea that the presidential will and choices are arguably assumed to reflect the national will and voters’ choices. This is also reflected in the Constitution that the president represents ‘the Republic of Turkey and the unity of the Turkish Nation’ (The Presidency of The Republic of Turkey, 2020 ; for a detailed discussion on various aspects of political culture, regime and leadership in Turkey, see; Bora, 2017 ; Lancaster, 2014 ; Mis & Duran, 2018 ; Turan, 2015 ; Turk, 2014 , 2018 ). Unsurprisingly, politicians and bureaucrats have a strong will to implement presidential decisions, and act quickly and decisively when needed.…”

Section: Policy Design and Implementation Under Presidentialization Of Executive Branch And Presidential Bureaucracymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Turkish state’s responses to existential COVID-19 crisis

Bakır

2020

Policy and Society

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This article focuses on how the Turkish state has been responding to limit the public health effects of COVID-19 pandemic to date. It aims to explain and understand the introduction, implementation and effect of health policy instrument mixes. It argues that although 'presidentialisation' of executive, and 'presidential bureaucracy' under presidential system of government are critical to introduce policies and implement their instrument mixes without delay or being vetoed or watered down which would otherwise occur in the parliamentary system of government, these features of impositional and exclusive policy style pose risks of policy design and implementation failures when the policy problems are poorly diagnosed, their policy solutions are wrong and/or complementary policy instrument mixes implemented ineffectively. However, a temporal, albeit temporary divergence from a dominant administrative tradition and policy style is most likely when a policy issue is esoteric (i.e. technical, scientific and expert-led) and framed as an existential crisis under high uncertainty that require scientific, expert-led, inclusive, early, quick and decisive responses to pressing policy problems.

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Section: Policy Design and Implementation Under Presidentialization Of Executive Branch And Presidential Bureaucracymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Turkish state’s responses to existential COVID-19 crisis

Bakır

2020

Policy and Society

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“…1. For a discussion on populism in Turkey, please see Aytaç & Öniş 2014;Selçuk 2016;Türk 2018;Yabanci 2016;Yağcı 2009. a new beginning .…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Defeating Populists: The Case of 2019 Istanbul Elections

Demiralp¹,

Balta²

2021

South European Society and Politics

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How can populist competitive authoritarian regimes be defeated through elections? In this article, we focus on the 2019 municipal campaign strategy of the opposition Istanbul candidate Ekrem İmamoglu as a case study of a successful challenge to a populist competitive authoritarian regime. We argue that such regimes may be prone to defeat when their opponents use what we call an 'inverted populist' strategy. This strategy involves three key elements: adopting an indirect and gradualist approach that avoids direct confrontation with the populist leader and the popular values s/he represents, redefining the 'the people' by including previously excluded groups, and promising redistribution to disadvantaged groups.

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“…Recently, populism has been widely adopted to frame the political activities of the Erdogan regime (Selçuk 2016;Yabanci 2016;Kirdiş and Drhimeur 2016;Özpek and Yaşar 2018;Yilmaz 2018;Castaldo 2018;Özçetin 2019;Sawae 2020;Tas 2020), especially in studies of Erdogan's populist framing of political crises (Türk 2018). Moreover, there are studies looking at the role of religion in the populist appeals of Erdogan's AKP and analysis of the religious references in his regimes' populist narratives (Yabanci and Taleski 2018;Yabanci 2020).…”

Section: Populism and Its Variants: Horizontal Vertical And Civilizational Aspectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Erdogan's transformation into an Islamist populist manifested during the Gezi Protests in the summer of 2013, when vast numbers of Turkish citizens protested against a variety of political and social issues, most prominently the increasing authoritarianism of the ruling AKP (Dinçşahin 2012;Bozkurt 2013;Aytaç and Öniş 2014;Yilmaz 2015;Günay and Dzihic 2016;Selçuk 2016;Türk 2018). Since the protests, Erdogan has made a political appeal to his Islamist people via strong anti-Western rhetoric full of conspiracy theories (Yilmaz and Bashirov 2018).…”

Section: Rise Of Erdoganist Islamist Populismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Religion in Creating Populist Appeal: Islamist Populism and Civilizationism in the Friday Sermons of Turkey’s Diyanet

2021

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Drawing on the extant literature on populism, we aim to flesh out how populists in power utilize religion and related state resources in setting up aggressive, multidimensional religious populist “us” versus “them” binaries. We focus on Turkey as our case and argue that by instrumentalizing the Diyanet (Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs), the authoritarian Islamists in power have been able to consolidate manufactured populist dichotomies via the Diyanet’s weekly Friday sermons. Populists’ control and use of a state institution to propagate populist civilizationist narratives and construct antagonistic binaries are underexamined in the literature. Therefore, by examining Turkish populists’ use of the Diyanet, this paper will make a general contribution to the extant literature on religion and populism. Furthermore, by analyzing the Diyanet’s weekly Friday sermons from the last ten years we demonstrate how different aspects of populism—its horizontal, vertical, and civilizational dimensions—have become embedded in the Diyanet’s Friday sermons. Equally, this paper shows how these sermons have been tailored to facilitate the populist appeal of Erdoğan’s Islamist regime. Through the Friday sermons, the majority—Sunni Muslim Turks are presented with statements that evoke negative emotions and play on their specific fears, their sense of victimhood and through which their anxieties—real and imagined—are revived and used to construct populist binaries to construct and mobilize the people in support of an authoritarian Islamist regime purported to be fighting a “civilizational enemy” on behalf of “the people”. Finally, drawing on insights from the Turkish case, we illustrate how the “hosting” function of the civilizational aspect plays a vital role in tailoring internal (vertical and horizontal) religious populist binaries.

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‘Populism as a medium of mass mobilization’: The case of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

Cited by 28 publications

References 58 publications

The Turkish state’s responses to existential COVID-19 crisis

The Turkish state’s responses to existential COVID-19 crisis

Defeating Populists: The Case of 2019 Istanbul Elections

Religion in Creating Populist Appeal: Islamist Populism and Civilizationism in the Friday Sermons of Turkey’s Diyanet

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