Populism as a ‘corrective’ to trade agreements? ‘America First’ and the readjustment of NAFTA

Csehi, Robert; Heldt, Eugénia C.

doi:10.1057/s41311-021-00306-3

Cited by 8 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…Trade Representative Lighthizer highlighted the impact of lost jobs and declining life changes for too many from a globalisation driven by an emphasis on overall efficiency notwithstanding inequitable distribution (Lighthizer, 2020). Right populist construction of the need to improve trade to prevent unfair treatment by foreign states was a pronounced element of Trumpism (Csehi & Heldt, 2021) which succeeded where fair-trade and labour advocates had failed for decades. Populist targeting of NAFTA did produce innovations in CUSMA, like the rapid response mechanism to permit US action against specific Mexican enterprises which violated freedom of association and collective bargaining laws (Polaski et al, 2022, pp.…”

Section: Trump Nativist Populism and Disrupted Tradementioning

confidence: 99%

Populist Backlash and Trade Agreements in North America: The Prospects for Progressive Trade

Finbow

2023

PaG

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Populist rejection of the embedded liberal international order is evident in many Western democracies. This is partly attributable to the architects of this system, who over-promised widespread benefits while ignoring warnings from labour and fair-trade advocates about risks to economic security from transnational economic competition. This article contrasts Canadian and American conservative populist positions on free trade. Globalisation and free trade without consideration for fair trade weakened the embedded liberal compromise and undermined the Keynesian welfare state model which sustained it. While regional free trade agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement have had marginal negative effects, they became convenient scapegoats in a strategy of “othering” adopted by Trump and other populists. Populism arose in part in response to middle- and working-class decline (alongside cultural changes and revitalised nativism), which eroded support for embedded liberalism. The heretofore pro-trade GOP followed Trump to a more protectionist and bilateral model to press for “America first,” tinged by nativist othering towards Mexico and China. This diverged from Canadian right-populist leaders, whose rhetoric generally supports freer trade despite scepticism among some supporters. Asymmetrical circumstances of the US as a global economic hegemon vs. Canada as trade-dependent middle power limits the feasibility of a protectionist, “Canada first” position while particularities of political and electoral systems create more room for nativism in the US. Polling results indicate support for free trade in both nations, with a priority for labour and social protections, which provides the potential for further engagement in progressive trade liberalisation. Hence a significant percentage of the population supports “fair-trade” approaches, not protectionism. However, many conservative politicians eschew fair-trade positions and endorse anti-labour policies. Despite gains such as the labour provisions in the Canada–US–Mexico Agreement, a right-populist alliance with fair-trade advocates and labour unions is unsustainable and would entail compromises like climate denial, anti-immigrant, and anti-equity approaches which hinder the pursuit of progressive multilateral trading regimes.

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Section: Trump Nativist Populism and Disrupted Tradementioning

confidence: 99%

Populist Backlash and Trade Agreements in North America: The Prospects for Progressive Trade

Finbow

2023

PaG

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“…En particular, el t-mec forma parte de la reciente estrategia proteccionista de Estados Unidos de América (EUA), que es opuesta a las políticas de liberalización dominantes durante el periodo de vigencia del tlcan. Es un acuerdo centrado en la agenda política de Donald Trump (2017, quién, desde el inicio de su administración y con el lema de America First, trató de imponer condiciones más favorables para EUA (Csehi y Heldt, 2021). El déficit comercial de este país con México en sectores claves (como el automotriz) y la creciente amenaza económica china en el mercado estadounidense sirvieron de catalizadores para avivar los argumentos proteccionistas detrás de la negociación del t-mec.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Los Sectores Automotriz Y Energético De México en Los Laberintos Del T-Mec

Ramírez

Ramírez²,

Mata

2023

Investigación Económica

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El objetivo de este documento es analizar las principales consecuencias de las disposiciones del T-MEC sobre el desempeño de los sectores automotriz y energético de México. La exposición incluye la simulación de tres escenarios, construidos mediante un modelo de vectores autorregresivos, en los que se evalúan los posibles impactos del incremento de costos derivados de las nuevas reglas de origen sobre las variables claves de la industria automotriz (empleo, producción, inversión y divisas). La simulación se complementa con un estudio de la influencia del tratado en los recientes movimientos laborales de la industria. Finalmente, se valoran los potenciales conflictos entre EUA y México resultantes de los cambios experimentados por el sector energético mexicano. La conclusión principal es que el T-MEC puede beneficiar o perjudicar a ambos sectores dependiendo de los escenarios presentados y de la observancia de ciertos capítulos del tratado.THE AUTOMOTIVE AND ENERGY SECTORS OF MEXICO IN USMCA’ S LABYRINTHSABSTRACTThis paper aims to assess the main consequences of the USMCA provisions on Mexico’s automotive and energy sectors’ performance. By running an autoregressive vector model, we set three scenarios to measure the potential impacts of higher production costs resulting from the rules of origin on the automotive plants’ critical variables (employment, production, investment, and foreign exchange). The paper also analyzes USMCA’s influence on labor changes in the Mexican automotive industry to highlight the social content of the rules of origin. Finally, we provide a qualitative study on contentious issues between the U.S. and Mexico stemming from recent changes in the Mexican energy sector. The main conclusion is that USMCA’s impact on the performance of both sectors depends on the scenarios presented and the degree of compliance with certain treaty chapters.

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“…Such contradictions are caused, among other things, by the lack of a generally accepted definition of economic sovereignty. It can be defined as the ability of the national government to make decisions independently of other governments' decisions (Ozioko and Oraegbunam, 2019;Tkalenko, 2014) and is also used in discussions about "economic patriotism" (Clift, 2022;Szanyi, 2022) and "economic populism and sovereigntism" (Gryshchenko et al, 2022a;2022b;Mazzoleni and Ivaldi, 2022;Csehi and Heldt, 2021). Caravella et al (2021) define economic sovereignty as the ability to generate added value and prosper through independent activities.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mechanisms of strengthening the economic sovereignty of the state in the context of military operations

Bilousov,

Yakoviyk,

Yefremova

et al. 2023

Cuest. Pol.

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The objective of the study was to determine the methodological aspects of the construction of mechanisms for strengthening economic sovereignty in the context of the processes of globalization and war. Comparative law and economic statistics were used in the study. The research found that economic security, which showed a significant decrease after a large-scale invasion, is the material expression of economic sovereignty. The Debt/GDP ratio reached 85% and gross external debt was 83% of GDP. Mechanisms for strengthening Ukraine's economic sovereignty and economic security were determined by analysing international experience. They included, in particular: improvement of the legal framework, development of emergency response mechanisms, development of international partnerships, strengthening of economic governance, balancing regional development. Reactive and proactive approaches to the development of response measures should be taken into account when introducing such mechanisms. The results of the study are of value to government representatives in terms of ensuring the economic security and economic sovereignty of the country. Further research can focus on identifying the main methods for forecasting threats to the economic sovereignty of the country.

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Populism as a ‘corrective’ to trade agreements? ‘America First’ and the readjustment of NAFTA

Cited by 8 publications

References 35 publications

Populist Backlash and Trade Agreements in North America: The Prospects for Progressive Trade

Populist Backlash and Trade Agreements in North America: The Prospects for Progressive Trade

Los Sectores Automotriz Y Energético De México en Los Laberintos Del T-Mec

Mechanisms of strengthening the economic sovereignty of the state in the context of military operations

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