2015
DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2014.1000651
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Polarising Pluralism: The Swedish Parliamentary Election of September 2014

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Cited by 36 publications
(20 citation statements)
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“…The Swedish case is an extreme and illustrative example: in 2014, parliamentary majority was won by a coalition of right‐of‐centre parties, but the incumbent centre‐right prime minister, Fredrik Reinfeldt, refused to collaborate with the PRW party (the Swedish Democrats). With the Swedish Democrats out of the equation, the left‐wing coalition commanded a majority and the Social Democrats took office (Aylott & Bolin ). Given the above constraints, our first hypothesis is that, even if PRW parties are electorally strong, hold a favourable bargaining position in parliament and have welfare chauvinistic preferences figuring prominently on their campaign agenda, direct welfare chauvinism at the social policy level is not likely to occur ( H1 ).…”
Section: The Policy Effects Of Populist Right‐wing Partiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Swedish case is an extreme and illustrative example: in 2014, parliamentary majority was won by a coalition of right‐of‐centre parties, but the incumbent centre‐right prime minister, Fredrik Reinfeldt, refused to collaborate with the PRW party (the Swedish Democrats). With the Swedish Democrats out of the equation, the left‐wing coalition commanded a majority and the Social Democrats took office (Aylott & Bolin ). Given the above constraints, our first hypothesis is that, even if PRW parties are electorally strong, hold a favourable bargaining position in parliament and have welfare chauvinistic preferences figuring prominently on their campaign agenda, direct welfare chauvinism at the social policy level is not likely to occur ( H1 ).…”
Section: The Policy Effects Of Populist Right‐wing Partiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Green‐Pedersen and Krogstrup (: 626) argue that coalition dynamics constrain the ability of the Moderates (Sweden's largest centre‐right party) to move in the direction of the anti‐immigrant party. Therefore, the potential absorption of the Sweden Democrats into the right‐wing bloc – similar to what took place earlier in Denmark and Norway – is seen as less likely than the dismantling of the contemporary bloc structure of Swedish politics (Aylott & Bolin : 738). Therefore, right‐leaning party members could be tempted by this cross‐cutting cleavage and we propose the following hypothesis on potential pull factors: H3:Party members with more intolerant migrant attitudes are more likely to cast a defecting vote, particularly if they are members of a party leaning toward the political right. …”
Section: Breaking the Bond: When And Why Party Members Defectmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Survey respondents were asked to volunteer for in depth interviews and the quotas gathered together respondents holding different views towards a ban and who sympathised with one of the three major parties represented in the Swedish parliament (the Social Democrats, the Moderate party and the Sweden Democrats). The Moderate party is positioned on the right-hand side of the political spectrum, while the Social Democratic party is traditionally placed to the left in Swedish politics (Aylott and Bolin 2015;Hagevi 2014). In contrast to the other two, the SD is an outspoken nationalist party (e.g.…”
Section: Methods and Datamentioning
confidence: 99%