Plosive voicing acoustics and voice quality in Yerevan Armenian

Seyfarth, Scott; Garellek, Marc

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2018.09.001

Cited by 37 publications

(55 citation statements)

References 69 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…Other languages whose voicing contrast has not been fully understood despite the substantial number of their speakers include Brazilian Portuguese (Ahn, 2018a with 8 speakers); Thai (Kirby, 2018 with 12 speakers); Turkish (U Ünal-Logacev, Fuchs & Lancia, 2018 with 6 speakers); and Russian (Kharlamov, 2018 with 60 speakers). Languages that have received even less attention but are covered in this special collection include Lebanese Arabic (Al-Tamimi & Khattab, 2018 with 20 speakers), Vietnamese and Khmer (Kirby, 2018 with 14 speakers each); Yerevan (Eastern) Armenian (Seyfarth & Garellek, 2018 with 8 speakers), and 10 languages (two Iranian, seven Indo-Aryan languages and one isolated one) spoken in India with 48 speakers in total (Hussain, 2018).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voice onset time and beyond: Exploring laryngeal contrast in 19 languages

Cho

Whalen

Docherty

2019

Journal of Phonetics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this special collection entitled Marking 50 Years of Research on Voice Onset Time and the Voicing Contrast in the World’s Languages, we have compiled eleven studies investigating the voicing contrast in 19 languages. The collection provides extensive data obtained from 270 speakers across those languages, examining VOT and other acoustic, aerodynamic and articulatory measures. The languages studied may be divided into four groups: ‘aspirating’ languages with a two-way contrast (English, three varieties of German); ‘true voicing’ languages with a two-way contrast (Russian, Turkish, Brazilian Portuguese, two Iranian languages Pashto and Wakhi); languages with a three-way contrast (Thai, Vietnamese, Khmer, Yerevan Armenia, three Indo-Aryan languages, Dawoodi, Punjabi and Shina, and Burushaki spoken in India); and Indo-Aryan languages with a more than three-way contrast (Jangli and Urdu with a four-way contrast, and Sindhi and Siraiki with a five-way contrast). We discuss the cross-linguistic data, focusing on how much VOT alone tell s us above the voicing contrast in these languages, and what other phonetic dimensions (such as consonant-induced F0 and voice quality) are needed for a complete understanding of laryngeal contrast in these languages. Implications for various issues emerge: universal phonetic feature systems, effects of language contact on linguistic levelling, and the relation between laryngeal contrast and supralaryngeal articulation. The cross-linguistic VOT data also lead us to discuss how the distribution of VOT as measured acoustically may allow us to infer the underlying articulation and how it might be approached in gestural phonologies. The discussion on these multiple issues sparks new questions to be resolved, and provide indications of where the field may be best directed in exploring laryngeal contrast in voicing in the world’s languages.

show abstract

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voice onset time and beyond: Exploring laryngeal contrast in 19 languages

Cho

Whalen

Docherty

2019

Journal of Phonetics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The distinction in the voicing contrast was found to be maintained in various prosodic conditions, and the averages of VOT in word-internal position for aspirated sounds was 66-92 msec, for unaspirated 7-31, and voiced -7 to -82. In a recent study on the acoustics of the threeway stop contrast in EA, [20] found voicing strength, VOT and aspiration were significantly different among all three groups. To the authors' knowledge, no research has examined the acoustic realization of this contrast in WA or in affricates.…”

Section: Phonetic Studies Of Stops In Armenianmentioning

confidence: 90%

“…While that investigation examined bilabial stops, coronal stops tend to have even longer VOT than bilabial stops [25,26,27]. [20] show aspiration duration of word-initial voiceless aspirated stops in EA of around 75msec, and voiceless unaspirated of around 15msec. Thus, both VOT and aspiration (see Figure 6, right panel) values found for WA here align better with unaspirated stops.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

The Voicing Contrast in Stops and Affricates in the Western Armenian of Lebanon

Kelly

Keshishian²

2019

Interspeech 2019

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Research on Western Armenian has described it as having a contrast between voiceless aspirated stops and affricates, and voiced stops and affricates [1, 2]. The variety of Western Armenian spoken by a large population in Lebanon has not yet been examined phonetically, to determine the acoustic correlates of this contrast. The current study examines the alveolar and postalveolar affricates and alveolar stops (voiceless aspirated and voiced) in both word-initial and word-medial position, using nonsense words written in the Armenian script. The results indicate that voiced sounds have prevoicing, voiceless affricates have some aspiration, but voiceless stops have very short VOT, which aligns better with an analysis of them being classified as unaspirated. It was also found that position in the word does not affect VOT, duration of the closure or frication.

show abstract

“…In languages in which phonologically voiceless stops are not canonically aspirated, like Italian and French, voiced and voiceless stops do not appear to condition spectral differences on following vowels (Ní Chasaide & Gobl, 1993). By contrast, voiced stops are followed by moderately breathy vowels in Eastern Armenian, a language that has a three-way voicing contrast involving voiced, voiceless, and aspirated stops (Seyfarth & Garellek, 2018). The nature of the articulatory relation between voicing and breathiness is also ill-understood.…”

Section: Voicing and The Diachronic Development Of Registermentioning

confidence: 99%

Transphonologization of voicing in Chru: Studies in production and perception

Brunelle¹,

Tấn²,

Kirby³

et al. 2020

Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Chru, a Chamic language of south-central Vietnam, has been described as combining contrastive obstruent voicing with incipient registral properties (Fuller, 1977). A production study reveals that obstruent voicing has already become optional and that the voicing contrast has been transphonologized into a register contrast based primarily on vowel height (F1). An identification study shows that perception roughly matches production in that F1 is the main perceptual cue associated with the contrast. Structured variation in production suggests a sound change still in progress: While younger speakers largely rely on vowel height to produce the register contrast, older male speakers maintain a variety of secondary properties, including optional closure voicing. Our results shed light on the initial stages of register formation and challenge the claim that register languages must go through a stage in which breathiness or aspiration is the primary contrastive property (

show abstract

Plosive voicing acoustics and voice quality in Yerevan Armenian

Cited by 37 publications

References 69 publications

Voice onset time and beyond: Exploring laryngeal contrast in 19 languages

Voice onset time and beyond: Exploring laryngeal contrast in 19 languages

The Voicing Contrast in Stops and Affricates in the Western Armenian of Lebanon

Transphonologization of voicing in Chru: Studies in production and perception

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About