Playing the blame game on Brussels: the domestic political effects of EU interventions against democratic backsliding

Schlipphak, Bernd; Treib, Oliver

doi:10.1080/13501763.2016.1229359

Cited by 95 publications

(74 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…In this respect, extreme parties from the left and the right use quite different argumentseither economic insecurity or national sovereignty related arguments -to influence their voters (De Vries and Edwards, 2009). Domestic oppositional parties have adopted a populist rhetoric, blaming the EU and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for domestic economic difficulties resulting from the global financial crisis, suggesting that international organizations constrain domestic sovereignty (Lubbers and Coenders, 2017;Schlipphak and Treib, 2017;Tarlea, 2018Tarlea, , 2019Vasilopoulou et al, 2014). In an effort to win back voter support for parties adopting a Eurosceptic rhetoric, governments may be influenced by this type of rhetoric in forming preferences on EMU reform.…”

Section: Alternative Explanations: Public Opinion Institutions and mentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union Reform

Tarlea

Bailer

Degner

et al. 2019

European Union Politics

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This article examines the extent to which economic or political factors shaped government preferences in the reform of the Economic Monetary Union. A multilevel analysis of European Union member governments' preferences on 40 EMU reform issues negotiated between 2010 and 2015 suggests that countries' financial sector exposure has significant explanatory power. Seeking to minimize the risk of costly bailouts, countries with highly exposed financial sectors were more likely to support solutions involving high degrees of European integration. In contrast, political factors had no systematic impact. These findings help to enhance our understanding of preference formation in the European Union and the viability of future EMU reform.

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Section: Alternative Explanations: Public Opinion Institutions and mentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union Reform

Tarlea

Bailer

Degner

et al. 2019

European Union Politics

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“…It would be erroneous to suggest that the reforms of the past two decades constituted an attempt to impose upon Central Europe a set of solutions, which were somehow "alien" to the region, and not reflective of what at least some of the political class and the broader public desired. Rather than impugning the EU for the illiberal turn (Schlipphak & Treib, 2017), or for its inability to thwart it (Jenne & Mudde, 2012;Rupnik, 2016), we should consider the possibility that the accession process empowered political elites and civil society in V4 to take ownership of the European integration process. Some have embraced it; others seek more distance.…”

Section: Illiberal Swerving and The Eumentioning

confidence: 99%

The Illiberal Turn or Swerve in Central Europe?

Buštíková

Guasti

2017

PaG

165

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Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the "illiberal turn" in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal "turns" and "swerves", with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.

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“…This finding is pertinent even beyond the Semester as is goes to show that mechanisms of persuasion and social pressure can make governments and stakeholders amenable to requestswhich can uplift EU legitimacy (cf. Schlipphak & Treib, 2017). Second, ESOs' role makes the case for the institutionalization of network governance between domestic actors and Commission officials.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Building national ownership of the European Semester: the role of European Semester officers

Munta

2019

European Politics and Society

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The European Semester of socio-economic policy coordination has been criticised for poor capacity to induce national ownership of reforms. Reacting to these pressures, the European Commission intensified bilateral and multilateral efforts to increase the legitimacy of the Semester. European Semester officers (ESOs) were sent to Commission's representations in Member States to reinforce policy dialogue. This paper spells out to what extent and how ESOs contribute to national ownership and throughput legitimacy of the European Semester in Member States. The findings suggest that ESOs are an important domestic link in fostering throughput legitimacy of the European semester by way of establishing dialogue with domestic actors and justifying the reasoning behind Commission's initiatives. Conversely, they succeed less in transmitting stakeholders' policy concerns and suggestions to the Commission. ESOs' domestic engagement could, nonetheless, serve as an entry point for Commission's future efforts in building domestic ownership and hence reducing blame-shifting practices.

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Playing the blame game on Brussels: the domestic political effects of EU interventions against democratic backsliding

Cited by 95 publications

References 28 publications

Explaining governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union Reform

Explaining governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union Reform

The Illiberal Turn or Swerve in Central Europe?

Building national ownership of the European Semester: the role of European Semester officers

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