Keywords: inner-city, tax incentives, renewal, Section 23.
IntroductionGovernment concerns about declining regions and neighbourhoods increased significantly after World War II and since then a large variety of methods have been employed in western countries to regenerate areas of this type. In cities these efforts initially focused on clearing (largely private rented) slums and providing replacement housing (often social rented), but following widespread criticism of its destabilising effects on community cohesion, by the 1960s regeneration programmes focused more on refurbishing existing dwellings and addressing social problems by improving social services (Carmon, 1999). From the 1980s, urban regeneration fashion changed again and, as an alternative to the public sector driving development, more attention was paid to attracting private sector investment (Roberts, 2000). Although, property development remained the most common strategy used to address economic and population decline in these districts.Thus in the parlance of this policy field, regeneration remained largely 'property led' (Healy, et al, 1992;Jones, 1996).
3Traditionally western governments have employed quite different strategies to regenerate declining rural areas. Until recent decades these have focussed overwhelmingly on supporting the agricultural sector, via for instance the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy. Since the 1990s however, rural development goals have shifted to reflect the 'post-productivist' role of the countryside, due to the decline of agriculture (van der Ploeg et al., 2000;Murdoch et al., 2003).. Thus they have increasingly emphasized: environmental conservation, agri-tourism and economic diversification, sustainable use of natural resources, improving the quality of life in rural areas and village renewal (Dywer et al., 2007). In contrast to urban areas therefore, property-led regeneration strategies and housing development in particular have rarely been employed in the rural development context. Indeed despite concerns about population decline, particularly in north western Europe, many governments have actively constrained new housing development in rural; areas, rather than promoted it (Scott and Murray, 2009).Urban regeneration policy in the Republic of Ireland has broadly reflected these international trends. It has been strongly property-led and, in keeping with the norm in other Anglophone countries such as USA and the UK in recent decades, was operationalised mainly using fiscal incentives, rather than direct public spending (Adair et al., 2003;Jones and Evans, 2008). Thus, the principal Irish urban regeneration intervention of recent decades -the Urban Renewal Scheme, encompassed a package of fiscal incentives (popularly known 'Section 23' incentives after the clause of the legislation which underpinned them) which enabled the construction or refurbishment costs of commercial premises or dwellings for owner-occupation or for-profit renting to be off-set against income or business tax. These were introd...