“…This is particularly important because, despite expanding struggles for democratic and inclusive governance in Nepal, climate policy processes have not been a matter of concern in the national political arena. This finding from Nepal challenges the view that an effective climate policy does not necessarily require effective participation (Burton & Mustelin, 2013). It is likely that the politics could be divisive and delay action on urgent adaptation issues, but in Nepal there was not even a minimal level of political engagement, a deliberate situation engineered to serve the interests of those driving the process.…”
As developing countries around the world formulate policies to address climate change, concerns remain as to whether the voices of those most exposed to climate risk are represented in those policies. Developing countries face significant challenges for contextualizing global-scale scientific research into national political dynamics and downscaling global frameworks to subnational levels, where the most affected are presumed to live. This article critiques the ways in which the politics of representation and climate science are framed and pursued in the process of climate policy development, and contributes to an understanding of the relative effectiveness of globally framed, generic policy mechanisms in vulnerable and politically volatile contexts. Based on this analysis, it also outlines opportunities for the possibility of improving climate policy processes to contest technocratic framing and generic international adaptation solutions.
Policy relevanceNepal's position as one of the countries most at risk from climate change in the Himalayas has spurred significant international support to craft climate policy responses over the past few years. Focusing on the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) and the Climate Change Policy, this article examines the extent to which internationally and scientifically framed climate policy in Nepal recognizes the unfolding political mobilizations around the demand for a representative state and equitable adaptation to climate risks. This is particularly important in Nepal, where political unrest in the post-conflict transition after the end of the civil war in 2006 has focused around struggles over representation for those historically on the political margins. Arguing that vulnerability to climate risk is produced in conjunction with social and political conditions, and that not everyone in the same locality is equally vulnerable, we demonstrate the multi-faceted nature of the politics of representation for climate policy making in Nepal. However, so far, this policy making has primarily been shaped through a technocratic framing that avoids political contestations and downplays the demand for inclusive and deliberative processes. Based on this analysis, we identify the need for a flexible, contextually grounded, and multi-scalar approach to political representation while also emphasizing the need for downscaling climate science that can inform policy development and implementation to achieve fair and effective adaptation to climate change.
“…This is particularly important because, despite expanding struggles for democratic and inclusive governance in Nepal, climate policy processes have not been a matter of concern in the national political arena. This finding from Nepal challenges the view that an effective climate policy does not necessarily require effective participation (Burton & Mustelin, 2013). It is likely that the politics could be divisive and delay action on urgent adaptation issues, but in Nepal there was not even a minimal level of political engagement, a deliberate situation engineered to serve the interests of those driving the process.…”
As developing countries around the world formulate policies to address climate change, concerns remain as to whether the voices of those most exposed to climate risk are represented in those policies. Developing countries face significant challenges for contextualizing global-scale scientific research into national political dynamics and downscaling global frameworks to subnational levels, where the most affected are presumed to live. This article critiques the ways in which the politics of representation and climate science are framed and pursued in the process of climate policy development, and contributes to an understanding of the relative effectiveness of globally framed, generic policy mechanisms in vulnerable and politically volatile contexts. Based on this analysis, it also outlines opportunities for the possibility of improving climate policy processes to contest technocratic framing and generic international adaptation solutions.
Policy relevanceNepal's position as one of the countries most at risk from climate change in the Himalayas has spurred significant international support to craft climate policy responses over the past few years. Focusing on the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) and the Climate Change Policy, this article examines the extent to which internationally and scientifically framed climate policy in Nepal recognizes the unfolding political mobilizations around the demand for a representative state and equitable adaptation to climate risks. This is particularly important in Nepal, where political unrest in the post-conflict transition after the end of the civil war in 2006 has focused around struggles over representation for those historically on the political margins. Arguing that vulnerability to climate risk is produced in conjunction with social and political conditions, and that not everyone in the same locality is equally vulnerable, we demonstrate the multi-faceted nature of the politics of representation for climate policy making in Nepal. However, so far, this policy making has primarily been shaped through a technocratic framing that avoids political contestations and downplays the demand for inclusive and deliberative processes. Based on this analysis, we identify the need for a flexible, contextually grounded, and multi-scalar approach to political representation while also emphasizing the need for downscaling climate science that can inform policy development and implementation to achieve fair and effective adaptation to climate change.
“…Furthermore, planning is susceptible to elite capture, including disproportionate influence from private actors who may have divergent interests from other stakeholders. As a result, the convening of consultative panels does not inherently guarantee inclusive outcomes, social empowerment, or the expression of democratic citizenship (Burton & Mustelin, 2013;Cooke & Kothari, 2001;Few, Brown, & Tompkins, 2007). For example, in many cities in the Global South that receive external capacity and finance for climate change actions, participation is often an item on a donor checklist rather than a genuine learning process that builds local capacity (Carmin, Dodman, & Chu, 2013;Ensor & Harvey, 2015).…”
Cities around the world are facilitating ambitious and inclusive action on climate change by adopting participatory and collaborative planning approaches. However, given the major political, spatial, and scalar interdependencies involved, the extent to which these planning tools equip cities to realise 1.5Ā°C climate change scenarios is unclear. This article draws upon emerging knowledge in the fields of urban planning and urban climate governance to explore complementary insights into how cities can pursue ambitious and inclusive climate action to realise 1.5Ā°C climate change scenarios. We observe that urban planning scholarship is often under-appreciated in urban climate governance research, while conversely, promising urban planning tools and approaches can be limited by the contested realities of urban climate governance. By thematically reviewing diverse examples of urban climate action across the globe, we identify three key categories of planning dilemmas: institutional heterogeneity, scalar mismatch, and equity and justice concerns. We argue that lessons from urban planning and urban climate governance scholarship should be integrated to better understand how cities can realise 1.5Ā°C climate change scenarios in practice.
“…Several authors have noted that responsibilities can remain unclear in new policy areas, in this case adaptation (Bulkeley, 2013: 187-188;Burton and Mustelin, 2013;Carter, 2011;Kern and Alber, 2008;Urwin and Jordan, 2008;Wamsler and Brink, 2014). Depending on the policy instrument chosen by public authorities, responsibilities are either mandated by law, i.e.…”
The local level and private actors play an important role in the implementation of climate change adaptation. The engagement of the private sector and citizens has received increasing attention in recent years. Local authorities' choice of policy instruments, the distribution of responsibilities, and the benefits of adaptation as a public or a private good have a bearing on the involvement of private actors. Based on interviews and documents from Copenhagen and Helsinki, we analyse how public authorities' choices, to whom and how they shift responsibilities, can foster transformational, participatory or market-oriented elements of adaptation. The results indicate that local authorities play a dominant role in providing adaptation. Public authorities steer where the private sector and citizens are expected to take responsibilities. This mix of top-down steering, market mechanisms and citizen involvement might reduce the advantages that a shift of responsibilities towards private actors could provide for the handling of climate change adaptation.
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