Placing the Creative Economy: Scale, Politics, and the Material

Rantisi, Norma M.; Leslie, Deborah; Christopherson, Susan

doi:10.1068/a39210

Cited by 105 publications

(85 citation statements)

References 20 publications

(14 reference statements)

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“…At the same time the market was dominated by small firms with fewer than 20 employees providing over 59 percent of creative employment; the average business size for the design subsector in the Auckland Region was 1.8 employees [12]. This average business size is comparable with the general profile of creative firms elsewhere, which tend to be small and agile operating within networked environments [41,44,46,56,57].…”

Section: Auckland's Design Subsector-the Main Focus Of Thismentioning

confidence: 61%

The Power of Place: A Case Study of Auckland’s Design Creative Industries

Kiroff

2017

Urban Studies Research

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Auckland is New Zealand's largest city which also has the largest concentration of creative sector employment and businesses in the country. This study examines the spatial logic of firms in the design creative subsector in inner Auckland to gain better understanding of the ways in which place, space, and built form determine location choices. Firms' attributes are also analysed with the aim of ascertaining whether firms with shared characteristics have similar spatial behaviour. Despite a high degree of spatial clustering, the unequal distribution of firms across inner Auckland suggests that some areas, such as Parnell, are favoured more than others. Parnell's unique heritage built environment was identified as a location factor that has appealed to architects, designers, and advertisers and has contributed to the formation of the area's creative clusters. The quality of Parnell's built environment was associated with place reputation and image branding which was an important part of creating firm's identity. A central location and the attractiveness of an amenities-rich local environment also played a role in the decision-making process. Furthermore, the results also suggest that firms that possess common characteristics have similar spatial logic and make similar location choices.

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Section: Auckland's Design Subsector-the Main Focus Of Thismentioning

confidence: 61%

The Power of Place: A Case Study of Auckland’s Design Creative Industries

Kiroff

2017

Urban Studies Research

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“…Markusen (2006) notes that artists, in particular, tend to gravitate towards transitional neighbourhoods, often inner cities, more than other groups. Rantisi et al (2006) suggest that property rents can support or suppress creativity, especially in urban areas. Underlying this is the idea that cheap space and corresponding cultural diversity are vital ingredients for developing creative businesses.…”

Section: The Development Of a Creative Milieumentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There are clear advantages for the creative industries of being located in cities, which are derived from the scale of the urban area, including connectivity, public sector support, labour market, institutional support and consumer demand. Large urban areas offer a range of supporting and complementary services and institutions related to training, research and finance (Rantisi et al 2006). Untraded forms of interdependency are found in the cultural and institutional setting of economic activity, shape behaviour and are strongly tied to place (Scott and Storper 2003).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Hobson's choice? Constraints on accessing spaces of creative production in a transforming industrial conurbation

Champion

2010

Creative Industries Journal

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Successful creative production is often documented to occur in urban areas that are more likely to be diverse, a source of human capital and the site of dense interactions. These accounts chart how, historically, creative industries have clustered in areas where space was once cheap in the city centre fringe and inner city areas, often leading to the development of a creative milieu, and thereby stimulating further creative production.Historical accounts of the development of creative areas demonstrate the crucial role of accessible low-cost business premises. This article reports on the findings of a case study that investigated the location decisions of firms in selected creative industry sectors in Greater Manchester. The study found that, while creative activity remains highly concentrated in the city centre, creative space there is being squeezed and some creative production is decentralizing in order to access cheaper premises. The article argues that the location choices of creative industry firms are being constrained by the extensive city centre regeneration, with the most vulnerable firms, notably the smallest and youngest, facing a Hobson's choice of being able to access low-cost premises only in the periphery.This disrupts the delicate balance needed to sustain production and begs the broader question as to how the creative economy fits into the existing urban fabric, alongside the competing demands placed on space within a transforming industrial conurbation.

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“…While the buildings and the basic footprint of the neighbourhood remain the same, the uses are constantly in flux, allowing older neighbourhoods to cater to current market trends and consumer preferences. In some CCDs, including the Old Market in Omaha, LoDo in Denver, and The Flats in Cleveland (see Appendix A), entire city districts comprised of former warehouses and industrial buildings have been converted into commercial and residential space, preserving the area's industrial legacy while also attempting to accommodate the needs of the new creative-knowledge economy (Anderson & Winther, 2010;Florida, 2002;Rantisi, Leslie, & Christopherson, 2006;Zimmerman, 2008) (Figure 1). …”

Section: Special District Designationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Neighbourhood change among creative–cultural districts in mid-sized US metropolitan areas, 2000–10

Bereitschaft

2014

Regional Studies, Regional Science

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Cities across the United States are experiencing a surge in urban residential development, particularly within the downtown core and other centrally located, historic, mixed-use urban neighbourhoods. Often situated in former warehouse districts or other 'marginal' areas, many of these neighbourhoods have been revalorized and reinvented as hubs of creative-cultural production and consumption. Through an examination of 102 US neighbourhoods in 70 mid-sized metropolitan areas, this article explores patterns in the physical form, geography, and recent demographic and socio-economic evolution of the 'creative-cultural district' (CCD). The results of this exploratory analysis suggest that over the previous decade (2000-10), the majority of CCDs attracted high-skill, high-wage creative-knowledge workers at a rate faster than their respective metropolitan areas. This 'creative gentrification' was also evident in rising residential populations, household income, education and rent. Rent increased faster than income in over half the surveyed neighbourhoods, suggesting that a widening deficit in affordable housing has accompanied growing consumer demand for vibrant urban neighbourhoods and associated arts/cultural/entertainment amenities.Keywords: cultural district; creative class; creative city; neighbourhood change; gentrification; creative gentrification Introduction While dynamic, creative-cultural or 'neo-bohemian' (Lloyd, 2002) urban neighbourhoods have thrived for decades in the United States' premier world cities, such as New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco and Chicago, the scope of their recent success and popularity in cities across the country, as well as their propensity to attract a sizable residential population, is unprecedented in recent times. Although the issues of displacement, inequity and homogenization associated with gentrification continue to present considerable challenges, the revitalization of urban neighbourhoods may represent the stirrings of a significant and broadly supported turnaround in the economic fate of many US cities. This may be particularly true of mid-sized US metropolitan areas (roughly those with populations between 300,000 and 3.5 million), many of which still struggle to maintain healthy, liveable and relevant urban centres. This article explores the creative-cultural district (CCD) as it exists in the United States, building upon and extending previous examinations of creative-cultural neighbourhoods (Evans, 2009;Lloyd, 2002;McCarthy, 2005; Montgomery, 2003) and investigating the physical form, Regional Studies, Regional Science, 2014 Vol. 1, No. 1, 158-183, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21681376.2014 geography, and recent demographic and socio-economic shifts among a large (N = 102) and diverse sample of urban neighbourhoods.CCDs may be described as centrally located, and often historic, urban neighbourhoods that serve as nodes of creative-cultural production and consumption (e.g., recording studios and music venues, art studios and galleries, live theatre, dining and retail, ...

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Placing the Creative Economy: Scale, Politics, and the Material

Abstract: The rise of the new`creative' imperative Recent interest in the role of creativity in economic development has sparked a host of conceptual and empirical studies seeking to document the rise of a creative economy, and its socioeconomic and spatial manifestations (for example,

Cited by 105 publications

References 20 publications

The Power of Place: A Case Study of Auckland’s Design Creative Industries

The Power of Place: A Case Study of Auckland’s Design Creative Industries

Hobson's choice? Constraints on accessing spaces of creative production in a transforming industrial conurbation

Neighbourhood change among creative–cultural districts in mid-sized US metropolitan areas, 2000–10

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