Neighbourhood change among creative–cultural districts in mid-sized US metropolitan areas, 2000–10

Abstract

Cities across the United States are experiencing a surge in urban residential development, particularly within the downtown core and other centrally located, historic, mixed-use urban neighbourhoods. Often situated in former warehouse districts or other 'marginal' areas, many of these neighbourhoods have been revalorized and reinvented as hubs of creative-cultural production and consumption. Through an examination of 102 US neighbourhoods in 70 mid-sized metropolitan areas, this article explores patterns in the physical form, geography, and recent demographic and socio-economic evolution of the 'creative-cultural district' (CCD). The results of this exploratory analysis suggest that over the previous decade (2000-10), the majority of CCDs attracted high-skill, high-wage creative-knowledge workers at a rate faster than their respective metropolitan areas. This 'creative gentrification' was also evident in rising residential populations, household income, education and rent. Rent increased faster than income in over half the surveyed neighbourhoods, suggesting that a widening deficit in affordable housing has accompanied growing consumer demand for vibrant urban neighbourhoods and associated arts/cultural/entertainment amenities.Keywords: cultural district; creative class; creative city; neighbourhood change; gentrification; creative gentrification Introduction While dynamic, creative-cultural or 'neo-bohemian' (Lloyd, 2002) urban neighbourhoods have thrived for decades in the United States' premier world cities, such as New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco and Chicago, the scope of their recent success and popularity in cities across the country, as well as their propensity to attract a sizable residential population, is unprecedented in recent times. Although the issues of displacement, inequity and homogenization associated with gentrification continue to present considerable challenges, the revitalization of urban neighbourhoods may represent the stirrings of a significant and broadly supported turnaround in the economic fate of many US cities. This may be particularly true of mid-sized US metropolitan areas (roughly those with populations between 300,000 and 3.5 million), many of which still struggle to maintain healthy, liveable and relevant urban centres. This article explores the creative-cultural district (CCD) as it exists in the United States, building upon and extending previous examinations of creative-cultural neighbourhoods (Evans, 2009;Lloyd, 2002;McCarthy, 2005; Montgomery, 2003) and investigating the physical form, Regional Studies, Regional Science, 2014 Vol. 1, No. 1, 158-183, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21681376.2014 geography, and recent demographic and socio-economic shifts among a large (N = 102) and diverse sample of urban neighbourhoods.CCDs may be described as centrally located, and often historic, urban neighbourhoods that serve as nodes of creative-cultural production and consumption (e.g., recording studios and music venues, art studios and galleries, live theatre, dining and retail, ...

From lost space to third place: The visitor's perspective

“…Great attraction merits loyal visitors, or in other words, satisfaction and pleasure experienced by visitors during their stays significantly affect their loyalty as visitors. In recent years, many CCDs in the United States have transformed into cultural entertainment machines dominated by the creative class or educated elite (Bereitschaft, 2014). To retain visitors, Redtory could develop a suitable mix of physical, cultural, and entertainment amenities to make visitors happy, interested, and satisfied.…”

“…Projects of urban regeneration via cultural districts such as China's CCDs also facilitate and promote technological and commercial orientations (e.g., pop music, festivals, fashion, design, and animation), components of leisure and entertainment (e.g., retail, going out, and nightlife), and diverse elements in bars and restaurants, designers' shops, and art hotels (Mommaas, 2009). Many CCDs contain several third places, described as typical gathering places of informal public life that provide a neutral space for social encounters independent of associations at home (i.e., the first place) and at work (i.e., the second place) (Bereitschaft, 2014). The development of these specific districts not only forms a creative landscape, but also becomes part of broader creative city approach aimed at attracting tourists (Alvarez, 2010;Meethan & Beer, 2007).…”

Equity in Microscale Urban Design and Walkability: A Photographic Survey of Six Pittsburgh Streetscapes

“…Only recently has the environmental justice literature begun to address this issue. There is growing concern over the effects of inner-city gentrification and neoliberal urban revitalization policies, which, among other effects, may contribute to spatial inequities in walkability [1][2][3].…”

Neighborhood Walkability and Housing Affordability among U.S. Urban Areas

“…Falling crime rates and the maturation of knowledge-based industries in the late 20th and early 21st centuries have brought considerable economic renewal to dense urban cores, which have proven particularly attractive to young, well-educated professionals and entrepreneurs, i.e. the "creative class" [6][7][8][9]. Vibrant, pedestrian-oriented urban neighborhoods with ample social, employment, and entertainment opportunities and amenities are increasingly in demand.…”

“…Given the many benefits of walkability, and the growing demand for urban spaces and lifestyles within American cities [8,[21][22][23], there is mounting concern that lower income and disadvantaged groups are being systematically excluded from walkable neighborhoods. The potential displacement of these groups, seen as a key part of the gentrification process, may be giving rise to a substantial spatial inequity, in which those who could benefit the most from walkable and transit-oriented environments may be increasingly unable to afford them [24][25][26][27].…”