Phonology-morphology opacity in Harmonic Serialism

Torres-Tamarit, Francesc

doi:10.1075/cilt.333.05tor

Cited by 4 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…In view of the above, it is worth looking at one recent attempt at dealing with certain opacity effects in HS by invoking prosodic parsing. Torres-Tamarit (2012, 2014) defends the idea that prosodic structure should be built in steps and that prosodic constituents create opaque domains in phonology. Crucially, core syllabification should be applied in each morph separately.…”

Section: Chilean Data Under Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Torres-Tamarit assumes that morphology precedes phonology by arranging roots and affixes hierarchically. Stems are built successively in this model, the end result of which is the Morphological Word, ‘the linguistic unit of analysis whose integrating parts are unable to be manipulated by syntax’ (Torres-Tamarit 2012: 118).…”

Section: Chilean Data Under Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The morphosyntax–prosody mapping is enforced by two types of constraints: alignment and parsing. The latter set consists of Parse-Segment , which penalises segments that are not associated with a syllable, and Parse-ProsodicWord , which mandates that each prosodic word be associated with a phonological phrase (Torres-Tamarit 2012: 119). These constraints are in interaction with the coda condition banning /s/ at the right syllable margin and the constraint mandating place identity between the input and the output.…”

Section: Chilean Data Under Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Such a ranking is well-suited for dialects in which /s/ aspiration only applies transparently (Torres-Tamarit 2012: 124), however. This prediction is borne out when analysing the Chilean data as well.…”

Section: Chilean Data Under Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although various types of opacity can be predicted and solved within this framework thanks to the use of a prosodic structure building mechanism (e.g. Elfner 2009, Torres-Tamarit 2012), stepwise prosodification proves to be insufficient to account for the Chilean output forms.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Domain modelling in Optimality Theory: Morphophonological cyclicity vs. stepwise prosodic parsing

Broś

2019

J. Ling.

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This paper examines opaque examples of phrase-level phonology taken from Chilean Spanish under the framework of Stratal Optimality Theory (OT) (Rubach 1997; Bermúdez-Otero 2003, 2019) and Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2008a, b, 2016). The data show an interesting double repair of the coda /s/ taking place at word edges. It is argued that Stratal OT is superior in modelling phonological processes that take place at the interface between morphology and phonology because it embraces cyclicity. Under this model, prosodic structure is built serially, level by level, and in accordance with the morphological structure of the input string. In this way, opacity at constituent edges can be solved. Stratal OT also provides insight into word-internal morphological structure and the domain-specificity of phonological processes. It is demonstrated that a distinction in this model is necessary between the word and the phrase levels, and between the stem and the word levels. As illustrated by the behaviour of Spanish nouns, affixation and the resultant alternations inform us about the domains to which both morphological and phonological processes should be assigned. Against this background, Harmonic Serialism embraces an apparently simpler recursive mechanism in which stepwise prosodic parsing can be incorporated. What is more, it offers insight into the nature of operations in OT, as well as into such problematic issues as structure building and directionality. Nevertheless, despite the model’s ability to solve various cases of opacity, the need to distinguish between two competing repairs makes HS fail when confronted with the Chilean data under examination.

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Section: Chilean Data Under Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Chilean Data Under Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Chilean Data Under Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Chilean Data Under Harmonic Serialismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Domain modelling in Optimality Theory: Morphophonological cyclicity vs. stepwise prosodic parsing

Broś

2019

J. Ling.

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Onset conspiracy in Upper Sorbian

Rubach

2022

J. Ling.

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This article has two goals: descriptive and theoretical. On the descriptive side, the article presents a grammar of gliding and epenthesis of Upper Sorbian. The descriptive goal is worthy because Upper Sorbian has a highly complex but regular and productive system of gliding and epenthesis. Upper Sorbian stands out from a typological point of view because it has ten [sic] different strategies to satisfy Onset. On the theoretical side, the question is whether Optimality Theory that has been designed to solve conspiracies can deal with the complexities of Upper Sorbian. The answer is that it cannot unless it is modified to admit derivational levels. A point of interest is that level 1 in Upper Sorbian must be defined as the root level, not as the expected stem level that includes roots and affixes. Further, it is demonstrated that Itô and Mester’s Crisp Edge constraint makes wrong predictions for Upper Sorbian, so a new constraint, Multi, is postulated. Also, the analysis bears on the issue of positional markedness versus positional faithfulness and the question of whether Duke of York derivations should be admitted in phonology.

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Directional Constraint Evaluation Solves the Problem of Ties in Harmonic Serialism

Lamont

2021

Linguistic Inquiry

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This squib examines the problem of tied candidates in Harmonic Serialism and presents directional constraint evaluation as a solution. Under standard evaluation, constraints report how many loci of violation a candidate contains and, as a result, cannot differentiate two candidates with equal numbers of violations. Under directional evaluation, constraints report where loci of violation occur and are thus able to distinguish candidates with distinct loci of violation. Alternative tie-breaking mechanisms either fail to solve ties in general or introduce unwanted typological predictions.

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Phonology-morphology opacity in Harmonic Serialism

Cited by 4 publications

References 18 publications

Domain modelling in Optimality Theory: Morphophonological cyclicity vs. stepwise prosodic parsing

Domain modelling in Optimality Theory: Morphophonological cyclicity vs. stepwise prosodic parsing

Onset conspiracy in Upper Sorbian

Directional Constraint Evaluation Solves the Problem of Ties in Harmonic Serialism

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