Phasal Agreement and Reconstruction

Rouveret, Alain

doi:10.7551/mitpress/9780262062787.003.0008

Cited by 21 publications

(19 citation statements)

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“…It is worth noting that one of the Agree‐based approaches to resumption may provide future direction for a better understanding of the nature of the CCRC . Among several analyses resorting to the operation Agree such as Adger & Ramchand () (see Rouveret for a succinct summary of these analyses as well as other types of approaches to resumption), Rouveret (, ) proposes that resumptive dependencies (in Welsh) are formed via Agree and hence subject to the PIC (Chomsky ): the Phasal Agree approach, to use Rouveret's terms. In this analysis, resumptive chains obey strict locality constraints in the same way that movement chains do, because the resumptive pronoun and the periphery (or the C head) are linked via Agree, a precondition for movement.…”

Section: The Clause‐mate Condition On Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Rouveret hypothesizes that Agree is not followed by movement in resumptive strategies, unlike in the case of gap (or movement) strategies. In particular, Rouveret proposes the following feature composition of the relative C head found in resumptive constructions as well as the resumptive pronoun (Rouveret ). The relative C y bears uninterpretable φ features, which receive their values from the interpretable counterparts on the resumptive pronoun via Agree.…”

Section: The Clause‐mate Condition On Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To ensure that the pronoun is accessible to the C head, it is proposed that the intermediate (phasal) v head carries uninterpretable φ and [Rel] features (Rouveret ). The feature configuration of Welsh resumptive relative constructions can be schematized as below (RP = resumptive pronoun).…”

Section: The Clause‐mate Condition On Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This completes the derivation of resumptive structures as seen in (59). Rouveret () offers a similar explanation for long‐distance dependencies formed with resumption: intermediate phase heads such as v and C are argued to bear uninterpretable φ and [Rel] features so that successive Agree relations can be formed between these heads, with the result that the resumptive pronoun can be linked to the topmost C.…”

Section: The Clause‐mate Condition On Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In light of the mixed nature of resumption, recent debates have centered on whether resumption truly lacks movement (e.g., Borer , McCloskey ), involves (some type of) movement (Boeckx ), involves a mix of movement and non‐movement depending on the environments (Aoun et al. , Willis ), or simply involves Agree, which is constrained by phase theory (e.g., Adger & Ramchand , Adger , Rouveret , ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Clause‐Mate Condition on Resumption: Evidence from Kaqchikel

Imanishi

2019

Studia Linguistica

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The paper will argue for the existence of null resumption in Kaqchikel (Mayan) by showing new empirical facts that the language has two strategies to make a possessor interrogative: one type of the possessor wh is base-generated in Spec-CP and heads a resumptive chain, while the other type undergoes movement to Spec-CP. I will present a set of paradoxical cases in which resumption in Kaqchikel displays no movement properties in a simple clause, whereas it does in a long-distance dependency. I will suggest that the domain of locality relevant to resumptive dependencies in Kaqchikel is more constrained than in other widely discussed resumptive languages like Irish and Hebrew. Specifically, it will be proposed that a resumptive pronoun in Kaqchikel must be licensed within a clause: the Clause-Mate Condition on Resumptive Chains (CCRC). The CCRC will explain why resumptive dependencies in Kaqchikel display island effects, while those in Irish and Hebrew do not by suggesting that the CCRC is not operative in Irish and Hebrew.Studia Linguistica 73(2) 2019, pp. 398-441.7 Although I will not provide complete paradigms for each of these relations throughout the paper, it should be acknowledged that the observed properties apply to all of the possessive constructions encoding these relations.

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Section: The Clause‐mate Condition On Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Clause‐mate Condition On Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Clause‐mate Condition On Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Clause‐mate Condition On Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Clause‐Mate Condition on Resumption: Evidence from Kaqchikel

Imanishi

2019

Studia Linguistica

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Resumption

McCloskey

2017

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition

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In many languages and in a range of circumstances, a pronominal element may appear in a position in which one might have expected to see a gap bound by a clause‐peripheral element (in relative clauses, constituent questions, cleft constructions, and the like). Such elements (often, but not exclusively, personal pronouns) are known as resumptive elements . Since they are formally pronouns but serve many of the core semantic functions associated with movement constructions, the study of resumptive elements raises fundamental questions about the nature of movement, about the nature of anaphoric elements and relationships, and about the nature of the interaction between these two spheres. These questions have been the focus of a great deal of work, beginning especially in the middle 1970s; this chapter surveys that work – the questions that have been asked, the phenomena that have been discovered, and the current state of thinking about the relevant questions. Consideration of the theoretical questions is organized around the asking of three questions: (i) what are the properties of resumptive elements; (ii) in what ways do they share, or fail to share, properties of movement constructions (island phenomena, reconstruction effects); and (iii) in what ways do they share, or fail to share, properties of anaphoric elements and interactions? In recent years especially, the study of resumption has been enriched by a great deal of experimental work, aimed not only at establishing some basic properties of resumptive elements, but also at better understanding the mechanisms involved in their production and comprehension. The chapter ends with a consideration of that work and its implications. Here, the central question that emerges quickly is that of how theories of competence and theories of performance interact with one another.

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The matching effect in resumption: A local analysis based on Case attraction and top-down derivation

Georgi

Salzmann

2016

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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Phasal Agreement and Reconstruction

Cited by 21 publications

References 0 publications

The Clause‐Mate Condition on Resumption: Evidence from Kaqchikel

The Clause‐Mate Condition on Resumption: Evidence from Kaqchikel

Resumption

The matching effect in resumption: A local analysis based on Case attraction and top-down derivation

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