A laser light scattering technique was used to observe the extent of hemoglobin aggregation in solitary red blood cells of sickle cell anemia. Hemoglobin aggregation was confirmed in deoxygenated cells. The light scattering technique can also be applied to cytoplasmic studies of any biological cell.
Linguists debate the nature of grammatical knowledge. Many argue it is innate knowledge of syntactic structure that we use when generating utterances; others argue it emerges from linguistic experience, and forms exemplars for modeling novel utterances. Yet, still others argue that grammatical forms are processed in parallel by both types of knowledge (innate or otherwise), and crucially, that these two processing routes compete with each other.Our objective is to support the dual route argument with a corpus study illustrating the interaction of these two types of knowledge. We interpret two proxies as indicators of these two types of knowledge: syntactic complexity for generative knowledge and dispersion for emergent knowledge. Previous psycholinguistic work has shown that increased syntactic complexity correlates with increased judgment reaction times. Conversely, increased dispersion correlates with decreased judgment reaction times. If these two processing mechanisms compete, then we predict an interaction: specifically, we hypothesize that the more dispersed a linguistic form is, the less influence syntactic complexity has.We conducted a mixed-effects logistic regression analysis on case marker omissions in Japanese. Our results show that a casual speech style, a dispersed object-verb pair, and a syntactically simple noun phrase for the object correlate with increased case marker omission. More importantly, syntactic complexity and dispersion interact: as dispersion decreases, the estimated coefficient for syntactic complexity increases. These results support the claim that generative knowledge and emergent knowledge compete during language processing.
The paper will argue for the existence of null resumption in Kaqchikel (Mayan) by showing new empirical facts that the language has two strategies to make a possessor interrogative: one type of the possessor wh is base-generated in Spec-CP and heads a resumptive chain, while the other type undergoes movement to Spec-CP. I will present a set of paradoxical cases in which resumption in Kaqchikel displays no movement properties in a simple clause, whereas it does in a long-distance dependency. I will suggest that the domain of locality relevant to resumptive dependencies in Kaqchikel is more constrained than in other widely discussed resumptive languages like Irish and Hebrew. Specifically, it will be proposed that a resumptive pronoun in Kaqchikel must be licensed within a clause: the Clause-Mate Condition on Resumptive Chains (CCRC). The CCRC will explain why resumptive dependencies in Kaqchikel display island effects, while those in Irish and Hebrew do not by suggesting that the CCRC is not operative in Irish and Hebrew.Studia Linguistica 73(2) 2019, pp. 398-441.7 Although I will not provide complete paradigms for each of these relations throughout the paper, it should be acknowledged that the observed properties apply to all of the possessive constructions encoding these relations.
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