Peak Placement in Two Regional Varieties of Peruvian Spanish Intonation

O’Rourke, Erin

doi:10.1075/cilt.258.17oro

Cited by 36 publications

(24 citation statements)

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“…9 However, there are examples of varieties that already show this type of stressed-syllable alignment under broad focus: Lekeitio Spanish (Elordieta, 2003), Buenos Aires Spanish (Barjam, 2004;Colantoni and Gurlekian, 2004), and Mexico City Spanish (Kim and Avelino, 2004). Previously, alignment of peaks within the tonic syllable was also found in broad focus declaratives for some Cuzco Spanish speakers (O'Rourke, 2004(O'Rourke, , 2005. Barjam (2004) found that even though broad focus peaks in Buenos Aires Spanish were already aligned within the stressed syllable, peaks with contrastive focus were still aligned significantly earlier.…”

Section: Focus In Quechua and Spanishmentioning

confidence: 93%

The realization of contrastive focus in Peruvian Spanish intonation

O’Rourke

2012

Lingua

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Section: Focus In Quechua and Spanishmentioning

confidence: 93%

The realization of contrastive focus in Peruvian Spanish intonation

O’Rourke

2012

Lingua

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“…Very little is known, however, about the prosody of bilinguals whose L1 is one of the many indigenous languages spoken in the Americas. Most of the work in this area has concentrated on the intonation of Spanish-Quechua bilinguals, which have revealed patterns of cross-linguistic influence in read [8,9] and semi-spontaneous speech [10]. Here, we are particularly interested in exploring the realization of statements (Ss), declarative (DQs) and absolute questions (AQs) in the production of English-Inuktitut bilinguals.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

L1 Influence and Task effects in the realization of sentence types by Inuktitut-English sequential bilinguals

Colantoni¹,

Johns²,

Klassen³

et al. 2018

Speech Prosody 2018

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This paper explores the role of cross-linguistic influence and task type in the realization of pitch accents and nuclear contours across English sentence types (statements, absolute questions and declarative questions) by sequential Inuktitut-English bilinguals. In Inuktitut, intonation is mainly a cue for phrasing; i.e., boundary tones are mapped to finality vs. continuity in turn-taking [1,2]. Questions are morphologically marked [3], and while a rising intonation may also be used, it is not always present. In contrast, English absolute questions are syntactically marked, whereas the difference between statements and declarative questions is purely prosodic. Participants performed two tasks: a delayed imitation task, and a contextualized production task. Results revealed that bilinguals differed from controls in the type and phonetic realization of the first pitch accent (but not the nuclear contour), displaying a reduced use of pitch. In the semispontaneous task, bilinguals differed from controls in the number of non-target-like realizations, particularly in contexts that prompted declarative questions. We argue that these findings demonstrate clear patterns of prosodic and morphosyntactic cross-linguistic influence, as well as the importance of incorporating contextual information as a variable [4].

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“…All varieties of Spanish are characterized by pitch accents on metrically prominent syllables, but in Quechua-influenced Andean Spanish prenuclear H pitches are early-aligned, i.e. the pitch peak falls within the tonic syllable instead of overlapping with the posttonic syllable (O'Rourke, 2004(O'Rourke, , 2005. A mid vowel pronounced with a prominent pitch accent (raised F0) could reduce the F1-F0 distance enough to be perceived as a high vowel, while a high vowel in an atonic (lower F0) syllable would exhibit a greater F1-F0 distance and could be perceived as a mid vowel.…”

Section: Vowel (Mis)identification As a Function Of F0 And F1mentioning

confidence: 99%

Colliding vowel systems in Andean Spanish

Lipski

2015

LAB

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The acquisition of the Spanish 5-vowel system by speakers of the 3-vowel language Quechua (/ɪ/-/a/-/ʊ/) seldom results in accurate approximation to Spanish vowel spaces when learning takes place informally in post-adolescence. The present study offers data from a minimal immersion environment in northern Ecuador. In a context in which few cues point to the existence of mid-high vocalic oppositions in Spanish (e.g. no literacy, no corrective feedback, almost no viable minimal pairs), these speakers reliably distinguish only three Spanish vowels in production. These Quechua-dominant bilinguals have amorphous front and back vowel spaces considerably broader than those defining Quechua /ɪ/ and /ʊ/, but with no bimodal clustering. Left relatively unfettered, the hybrid system may contribute to an understanding of the relationship between vowel inventory and vowel space topology.

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Peak Placement in Two Regional Varieties of Peruvian Spanish Intonation

Cited by 36 publications

References 0 publications

The realization of contrastive focus in Peruvian Spanish intonation

The realization of contrastive focus in Peruvian Spanish intonation

L1 Influence and Task effects in the realization of sentence types by Inuktitut-English sequential bilinguals

Colliding vowel systems in Andean Spanish

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