Peace through Retribution or Reconciliation? Some Insights and Evidence from South-East Asia

Peou, Sorpong

doi:10.1007/978-1-137-40761-0_26

Cited by 7 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…A larger question for the ECCC, posed by Peou 14 in Cambodia and Timor Leste, is that of peace through retribution versus reconciliation. In their comparison of Western and Khmer justice, Dicklitch and Malik 15 note that 'the Khmer concept of justice is rooted more firmly in traditional moral practices of mutual understanding and agreement than in state laws or legal practices'.…”

Section: Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

The cloak of impunity in Cambodia II: justice

Eisenbruch

2018

The International Journal of Human Rights

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This article discusses the underpinnings of impunity and justice in Cambodia as the former Khmer Rouge leaders face trial in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). The extent to which the ECCC achieves its goal can only be assessed by understanding the concept of impunity from a Cambodian cultural perspective. In this ethnographic study, the cultural construction of justice is thus examined. The ECCC defendants and those who commit violence today seem to use a similar cultural framework to explain their crimes and expiate them from accountability. Any discussion of accountability, which is the Janus-face of impunitywhether at the ECCC trials or in the public arena todaywill show how perpetrators conform to certain embedded Cambodian beliefs while failing to conform to others. The findings add to our understanding of the cultural footprint of evil and impunity and have implications for attempts to respond to the call for a 'bespoke' form of transitional justice and for a culturally responsive approach to health and human rights.

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Section: Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

The cloak of impunity in Cambodia II: justice

Eisenbruch

2018

The International Journal of Human Rights

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“…He must have learned about the terrible fates of leaders who have lost power, such as Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Suharto of Indonesia, Slobodan Melošċvic of Serbia, and Mommad Gaddhafi of Libya. Any relentless pursuit of retributive justice is a moral thing to do, but may not be the cause of democratization when leaders think that it pays to stay in power (Peou, 2016, 2017b). Hun Sen’s tactics to ensure his political domination through democratic and undemocratic processes and his determination to hold on to power show that the CPP is likely to stay in power until it implodes or unless the ruling elite feel secure enough to let the opposition win.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cambodia’s hegemonic-party system: How and why the CPP became dominant

Peou

2018

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics

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This article seeks to shed light on how and why the Cambodian People’s Party (the CPP) emerged and became dominant in the multi-party system formally introduced to Cambodia when the United Nations intervened in the early 1990s. Historical factors, relative power, leadership, and tactics matter a great deal. Hun Sen has been in power for more than 30 years and his effectiveness can be attributed to three tactics: coercion, co-option, and control. The post-Cold War environment also made it possible for the CPP government to use these tactics successfully, as major powers preferred to work with Hun Sen or did little to undermine him.

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“…All in all, the global use of military, economic and judicial threat to change bad political behavior since the 1990s has not given rise to an international system based on the idea of human security. From Cambodia to Indonesia and East Timor and from Myanmar to North Korea, the threat of punishment directed at ruling elites tend to be ineffective or detrimental to the security of civilian populations (David and Holliday 2006;Peou 2016Peou , 2014a. Instead of giving up power, authoritarian leaders tend to hunker down when they come under threat and hold on to power even if it means causing human suffering.…”

Section: The Limits (And Dangers) Of Policy Instruments For Human Secmentioning

confidence: 99%

Human Security after 15 Years: Some Introductory Remarks and Critical Reflections

Peou¹

2019

AJP

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After 25 years, the global vision for human security as a concept and a policy commitment remains unfulfilled in most parts of the world. In fact, more and more evidence points to the growing reality that the idea of securing people has once again succumbed to the traditional concepts of state security and regime security, as it did after World War II. Part of the problem can be found in some major policy instruments adopted by proponents of human security. Military intervention for human protection, economic sanctions and judicial punishment or threats thereof, which have been regarded as policy instruments to protect people or promote human security, have proved to be either insufficient or ineffective, and at worst counter-productive.

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Peace through Retribution or Reconciliation? Some Insights and Evidence from South-East Asia

Cited by 7 publications

References 18 publications

The cloak of impunity in Cambodia II: justice

The cloak of impunity in Cambodia II: justice

Cambodia’s hegemonic-party system: How and why the CPP became dominant

Human Security after 15 Years: Some Introductory Remarks and Critical Reflections

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