Status and the Rise of Brazil 2019
DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-21660-3_8
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Peace Operations, Intervention and Brazilian Foreign Policy: Key Issues and Debates

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Cited by 6 publications
(2 citation statements)
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“…Yet most analytical attention has focused on overcoming tokenism, reflecting awareness that peacekeeping effectiveness depends heavily on the number of deployed peacekeepers (Hultman et al, 2013) as well as the quality (Haass & Ansorg, 2018) and diversity (Bove et al, 2020) of large military contingents. Thus, studies have highlighted states moving from token to non-token contributions (e.g., Kenkel et al, 2020), investigated the efficacy of economic incentives to increase troop contributions (Henke, 2019;Boutton & D'Orazio, 2020), and assessed the potential for Western states to reemerge as substantial rather than token troop contributors (Raitasalo, 2014;Koops & Tercovich, 2016). Scholars have also increasingly addressed the methodological risk of token forces skewing quantitative analyses of the motivations of (major) TCCs (Coleman & Nyblade, 2018;Duursma & Gledhill, 2019), including by distinguishing between participation and contribution size (Kathman & Melin, 2017), excluding token contributions (Lundgren et al, 2021), or ascertaining the impact of token forces in robustness checks (Ward & Dorussen, 2016).…”
Section: The Theoretical Significance Of Un Token Forcesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet most analytical attention has focused on overcoming tokenism, reflecting awareness that peacekeeping effectiveness depends heavily on the number of deployed peacekeepers (Hultman et al, 2013) as well as the quality (Haass & Ansorg, 2018) and diversity (Bove et al, 2020) of large military contingents. Thus, studies have highlighted states moving from token to non-token contributions (e.g., Kenkel et al, 2020), investigated the efficacy of economic incentives to increase troop contributions (Henke, 2019;Boutton & D'Orazio, 2020), and assessed the potential for Western states to reemerge as substantial rather than token troop contributors (Raitasalo, 2014;Koops & Tercovich, 2016). Scholars have also increasingly addressed the methodological risk of token forces skewing quantitative analyses of the motivations of (major) TCCs (Coleman & Nyblade, 2018;Duursma & Gledhill, 2019), including by distinguishing between participation and contribution size (Kathman & Melin, 2017), excluding token contributions (Lundgren et al, 2021), or ascertaining the impact of token forces in robustness checks (Ward & Dorussen, 2016).…”
Section: The Theoretical Significance Of Un Token Forcesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Many of the country's international strategies have been associated with this drive for more prestige globally, such as the long-standing bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) (Andrade 2012;Garcia 2011;Vargas 2008;Arraes 2005;Mendes 2015). Its approach towards a closer relationship with Africa (Stolte 2015), its participation in peacekeeping operations (Kenkel et al 2020;Hamann and Jumbert 2020), its strong position in international debates (Hamann and Jumbert 2020;Ricupero 2017;Lafer 2001), its role in multilateral fora such as BRICS and IBSA (Pant 2013;Hurrell 2010;Larson 2019), and even its environmental leadership have all been analysed as part of this drive for more international prestige and recognition (Stuenkel and Taylor 2015;Chatin 2016).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%