Patterns of ‘Othering’ in Turkey: A Study of Ethnic, Ideological, and Sectarian Polarisation

Çelik, Ayşe Betül; Bilali, Rezarta; Iqbal, Yeshim

doi:10.1080/13608746.2016.1250382

Cited by 37 publications

(28 citation statements)

References 46 publications

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“…Bobo and Licari (1989:304; see also Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus, 1979), for example, found a strong and positive effect on political tolerance but stressed the need to distinguish between “tolerance under ordinary conditions and tolerance under extraordinary or extreme conditions.” Some of these findings are consistent with prior research on Turkey. While some studies argued that a higher education level was related to more tolerant attitudes toward minorities (Bilgili, 2015), others emphasized the insignificance of demographic factors and found that only higher levels of education can lead to ideological differentiation from “the other” (Çelik, Bilali, and Iqbal, 2016).…”

Section: Conflict Exposure and Support For Different Conceptualizatiomentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some of these findings are consistent with prior research on Turkey. While some studies argued that a higher education level was related to more tolerant attitudes toward minorities (Bilgili, 2015), others emphasized the insignificance of demographic factors and found that only higher levels of education can lead to ideological differentiation from "the other" (Ç elik, Bilali, and Iqbal, 2016).…”

Section: Conflict Exposure and Support For Different Conceptualizatiomentioning

confidence: 99%

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Civil War and Democratization: A Micro‐Level Analysis

Gürses

Çelik

Balta

2020

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective In this study we draw on the conflict between the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and Turkey to explore how exposure to violence can engender support for democracy at the individual level. Methods We rely on two nationwide representative surveys carried out in Turkey and estimate a series of ordered logistic and logistic regression models. Results We find that exposure to violence during civil war is a significant predictor of embracing positive attitudes toward democracy. Wartime experiences are associated with a conceptualization of democracy that underscores equality and greater tolerance toward others. Conclusion Being a member of a repressed minority is not sufficient to explain support for democracy. The link between wartime experiences and holding positive attitudes toward democracy is conditioned by the degree of exposure to violence or which political party is supported.

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Section: Conflict Exposure and Support For Different Conceptualizatiomentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Conflict Exposure and Support For Different Conceptualizatiomentioning

confidence: 99%

Civil War and Democratization: A Micro‐Level Analysis

Gürses

Çelik

Balta

2020

Social Science Quarterly

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“…Thus, given that these minority groups have been associated with leftist movements and ideologies, one might expect to see a greater degree of Othering directed towards them from right-oriented members of the Sunni-Turkish majority. For instance, although openly socialist or communist political movements and formations in contemporary Turkish society and politics remain rather marginal and such political parties fail to receive substantial Kurdish and Alevi support, Kurds and Alevis are still occasionally viewed and referred to as 'Communists' in rightist political discourses (see also C¸elik, Bilali and Iqbal, 2017). Such statements can also be interpreted as one of the consequences of the legacy of ideological polarization, enmity, and violence from the 1960s and 1970s.…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Rather, Alevis have been discriminated against and suppressed in social and political domains in Turkey. 3 As a result, Alevis have remained socially, politically, and economically marginalized and peripheral (see Shankland, 2003;Erdemir, 2005;Poyraz, 2005;C¸elik, Bilali and Iqbal, 2017). For instance, in the 1960s and 1970s in particular, Alevis were treated as one of the three major threats to the Turkish state, together with Communists and Kurdish nationalists (Erdemir, 2005).…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethnic and Religious Prejudices in the Turkish Social Landscape

Sarıgil

2018

European Sociological Review

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Focusing on the dominant group's (Sunni-Turks) attitudes towards the largest ethnic and religious minorities (Kurds and Alevis, respectively) in the Turkish social landscape, this study investigates the determining factors of ethnic and religious prejudices in intergroup relations. The study draws several hypotheses about out-group rejection from social identity and ethnic competition theories and tests them utilizing new, original public opinion survey data. The empirical findings confirm the presence of a substantial degree of ethnic and religious prejudices in the Turkish social setting. Furthermore, statistical analyses show that unlike economic factors, political and cultural variables, such as ideological orientations, nationalist tendencies, and religiosity, perform much better in terms of predicting Sunni-Turks' exclusionary attitudes towards ethnic and religious out-group members. Thus, intergroup prejudice or intolerance in the Turkish setting is deeply ingrained in cultural and political divisions rather than in economic factors. The study also discusses some major theoretical and practical implications of the empirical findings.

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“…Although the busy hub of Taksim Square, which is adjacent to Gezi Park, had not been the site of regular protest marches for some time, its history was revived in a series of large-scale marches and smaller-scale protests every Saturday organized by Gezi Parkı Dayanışması in 2012 and the first half of 2013 (David & Toktamış, 2015). These protests occurred within the broader context of growing opposition to the ruling conservative AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi -Justice and Development Party) party's policies in Istanbul and nationally (Çelik, Bilali, & Iqbal, 2016;Kalaycıoğlu, 2012).…”

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By happenstance, we found ourselves in Istanbul, Turkey in early June 2013 only days after a mass anti-government protest developed in and around Gezi Park. In addition to informal discussions and interviews with academics and others, we visited the protest site and traveled throughout Istanbul to directly experience the atmosphere and events. We also conducted two studies of Turks' participation in, and views of, the protests. This paper recounts the events in Istanbul that summer and reviews our own, and other, social science research on the protests and the protestors. We focus on who the protestors were and why they protested, as opposed to the less engaged actions of visiting the protests or following them in the media.The visit to Istanbul by those of us based in the U.S. was supported by Bahçeşehir University. We wish to thank our academic host (Jacquie Mattis), the chairman of the board (Enver Yücel), and all of the faculty and staff who helped us. We are very grateful for their hospitality and generosity. Of course, this work expresses our views, not theirs.

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Patterns of ‘Othering’ in Turkey: A Study of Ethnic, Ideological, and Sectarian Polarisation

Cited by 37 publications

References 46 publications

Civil War and Democratization: A Micro‐Level Analysis

Civil War and Democratization: A Micro‐Level Analysis

Ethnic and Religious Prejudices in the Turkish Social Landscape

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