On Old High German i-umlaut

Voyles, Joseph Β.

doi:10.1515/9783110856446.365

Cited by 18 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…The B € AREN vowel has been changing in Germany from [eː] in Old High German (Voyles 1992) to [eː] in Middle High German (e.g. Paul 1916).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Merger and Reversal of the Bären and Beeren Vowels: The Role of Salience

Sloos

2017

Studia Linguistica

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Abstract. The B € AREN vowel in German is known to be subject to extensive variation, including, for some speakers, a merger with the BEEREN vowel. This article investigates the behaviour of the B € AREN and BEEREN vowels in Standard German in Switzerland and Austria. We observe an ongoing merger in Swiss Standard German but an ongoing reversal of such a merger in Austrian Standard German. Independent evidence shows that both varieties (Swiss and Austrian German) accommodate toward the prestige variety in northern Germany. This presents a kind of paradox: why should merger and reversal occur side by side? We attribute these opposite tendencies of merger and reversal to perceptual salience. In the prestige variety, much variation between these two vowels occurs, so Swiss and Austrian speakers are exposed to variable input for both vowels. This paper argues that the vowel that is different from the own variety is perceptually most salient and therefore accommodated to. As for the Swiss speakers, the merger of the B € AREN and the BEEREN vowel is unexpected, therefore salient, hence accommodated to. As for the Austrian speakers, the distinction between the B € AREN and the BEEREN vowel is unexpected, therefore salient, and accommodated to. This leads to the observed, opposite, patterns of change.

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“…The B € AREN vowel has been changing in Germany from [eː] in Old High German (Voyles 1992) to [eː] in Middle High German (e.g. Paul 1916).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Merger and Reversal of the Bären and Beeren Vowels: The Role of Salience

Sloos

2017

Studia Linguistica

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“…Das schreibungspositivistische Argument, das Voyles (1991;1992b), Iverson & Salmons (1996), Simmler (2000a;2000b) und andere gegen die strukturalistische Standardtheorie vorbringen, hat die philologische Forschungstradition hinter sich. Für jeden subphonemischen Unterschied, den man für das Althochdeutsche annimmt, ließe sich, so das Argument, wenigstens in einigen Dokumenten eine orthographische Schwankung finden.…”

Section: Schreibungspositivismus Und Graphemikunclassified

“…Neuere phonologische Ansätze finden sich bei Wiese (1987;1996b:187f. ) und Lodge (1989) (Robinson 1975(Robinson , 1980Voyles 1976Voyles , 1977Voyles , 1991Voyles , 1992aVoyles , 1992bVoyles , 1994Wurzel , 1981Wurzel , 1989Janda 1998). Den meisten gilt der Umlaut erst ab dem Mittelhochdeutschen als morphologisiert oder lexikalisiert.…”

Section: Phonemisierung Und Morphologische Aspekte Des Umlautsunclassified

“…eines prosodischen Wortes rekonstruiert. Dazu wurden zunächst die in den letzten Jahrzehnten erhobenen Einwände von Voyles (1991;1992b), Iverson & Salmons (1996;, Simmler (2000a), Salmons (2008) u.a. gegen die schreibungsstrukturalistische Erklärung des Umlauts (Twaddell 1938;Penzl 1949;Antonsen 1961Antonsen , 1964 Die Phonemisierung des Umlauts wurde auf die Lexikalisierung umgelauteter Stämme und Wortformen zurückgeführt.…”

Section: Teil VI Zusammenfassungunclassified

“…Die phonetische Ebene betrifft Hypothese (2a), dass i, j die ursprünglichen Auslöser des Umlauts sind. Sie ist Grundlage der meisten Umlauttheorien, wurde aber von verschiedenen Autoren dahingehend kritisiert, dass bereits im Frühalthochdeutschen morphologische Bedingungen für den Umlaut zu berücksichtigen seien (Dal 1967a(Dal , 1967bRobinson 1975Robinson , 1980Coetsem & McCormick 1982;Voyles 1991Voyles , 1992bJanda 1998 In der Hypothese (2b), dass zu Beginn der althochdeutschen Sprachperiode bereits alle Umlaute als allophonische Varianten auftreten, geht es um systematische Bezüge zwischen den einzelnen Lauten im Vokalsystem der Sprecher des Althochdeutschen. Auch wenn man i, j als phonetische Umlautauslöser anerkennt, kann man die phonologische Hypothese (2b) ablehnen.…”

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Der i-Umlaut im Althochdeutschen. Theorie, Phonetik und Typologie sowie eine optimalitätstheoretische Analyse

Schulze¹

2010

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Asymmetries in Vowel Harmony

Hülst

2018

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This book deals with the phenomenon of vowel harmony, a phonological process whereby all the vowels in a word are required to share a specific phonological property, such as front or back articulation. Vowel harmony occurs in the majority of languages of the world, though only in very few European languages, and has been a central concern in phonological theory for many years. In this volume, Harry van der Hulst puts forward a new theory of vowel harmony, which accounts for the patterns of and exceptions to this phenomenon in the widest range of languages ever considered. The book begins with an overview of the general causes of asymmetries in vowel harmony systems. The two following chapters provide a detailed account of a new theory of vowel harmony based on unary elements and licensing, which is embedded in a general dependency-based theory of phonological structure. In the remaining chapters, this theory is applied to a variety of vowel harmony phenomena from typologically diverse languages, including palatal harmony in languages such as Finnish and Hungarian, labial harmony in Turkic languages, and tongue root systems in Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan, and Tungusic languages.

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On Old High German i-umlaut

Cited by 18 publications

References 10 publications

Merger and Reversal of the Bären and Beeren Vowels: The Role of Salience

Merger and Reversal of the Bären and Beeren Vowels: The Role of Salience

Der i-Umlaut im Althochdeutschen. Theorie, Phonetik und Typologie sowie eine optimalitätstheoretische Analyse

Asymmetries in Vowel Harmony

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