Abstract:Introdução: o quebra-cabeça racial brasileiroAs relações raciais no Brasil são caracterizadas por um aparente paradoxo. Por um lado, as enormes e persistentes discrepâncias socioeconômicas entre os diferentes grupos raciais indicam que raça é um atributo central para se compreender a produção de desigualdades sociais do país. Por outro, as relações de sociabilidade fluidas, com grande quantidade de casamentos inter-raciais e pouca segregação residencial entre brancos e negros, sinalizam que no Brasil a mistura… Show more
“…Perceived racial discrimination in Brazil, as in other countries, depends -among other thingson the identity expressed in racial self-classification 55 . In Brazil, self-classification has resulted from various factors, from the proportion of blacks (or whites) in a given town, the individual's socioeconomic status and social background, through to a period in history when race relations can be discussed more often and emphasized by the black movement 56,57 .…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…To date, there are no other Brazilian studies to confirm and to help explain this finding. Future research is needed to understand the specifics of "pardos", regarding both health and sociological features 55 .…”
“…Perceived racial discrimination in Brazil, as in other countries, depends -among other thingson the identity expressed in racial self-classification 55 . In Brazil, self-classification has resulted from various factors, from the proportion of blacks (or whites) in a given town, the individual's socioeconomic status and social background, through to a period in history when race relations can be discussed more often and emphasized by the black movement 56,57 .…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…To date, there are no other Brazilian studies to confirm and to help explain this finding. Future research is needed to understand the specifics of "pardos", regarding both health and sociological features 55 .…”
“…Scholars have generally considered racial disparities in terms of a white/ nonwhite or white/brown/black categorization, but its validity has been questioned (Harris et al 1993;Silva and Leão 2012): the first of these studies involves an experiment which indicates a substantially different racial distribution depending on whether the official term (parda) or vernacular term (morena) is used to refer to the mixed-race population; the latter cites wide variation in the size of the black population depending on how it is defined, as well as a differing perception of race and discrimination among pardos. These results are consistent with Bailey et al (2013), who show that alternative combinations of racial subcategories could result in Brazil having either a white or a black majority.…”
Section: Conceptualizations Of Race In Brazilmentioning
“…9 A UnB usou a heterodeclaração, por meio de foto analisada por comissão que referendava a autodeclaração do estudante ingressante após análise socioeconômica e fenotípica (Maio & Santos, 2005), na tentativa de barrar a ação dos "burladores sociais", por entender que estes impediam o acesso dos "negros de verdade" ao Segundo Muniz (2012) e Silva & Leão (2012), há considerável variação percentual na identificação racial, quando se compara héterodeclaração com autodeclaração, com tendência para a autodeclaração racial apresentar menores índices de identificação com raças dominadas. Assim, a identificação varia, muitas vezes, de forma contraditória e errática, de acordo com o campo social e os capitais mobilizados (Maio & Santos, 2005), de maneira que o preconceito, a expectativa de reação dos pares e as condições de acesso a bens são determinantes não só para a forma como as pessoas se percebem racialmente, mas como declaram a si e aos outros.…”
Section: Diferenças Entre Os Dispositivos E Os Dados Dos Censosunclassified
The paper analyzes if the devices in Brazilian quota law are sufficient to guarantee the aims of the affirmative action, in order to promote democratic access to higher education through a fair redistribution of reserved spots. Firstly, we consider the racial self-declaration as a criterion to decide access to the quota; secondly, the technical difficulties and the possibility of competition inter and intragroup; thirdly, the difference between the percentages of blacks, pardos, indigenes (PPI) and low income students in general population, and the percentages of blacks, pardos, indigenes (PPI) and low income students in the socioeconomic strata used by quota law to define the reserved spots. The criteria for reserved spot distribution comprehend not only the obligation of study all the high school in a public institution, but also devices for calculus of the groups with access with reserved spots, according to four classifications: I-a: students from public middle schools, with per capita family income equal or less than 1,5 minimum wage, and PPI; I-b: students from public middle schools with per capita family income equal to or less than 1,5 minimum wage, no PPI; and II-a: students from public middle schools with per capita family income above 1,5 minimum wage, PPI; II-b: students from public middle schools with per capita family income above 1,5 minimum wage, no PPI. Metodologically, we analyzed documents related to the quota law process, and comparative quantitative analisys of the educational and demographical census is made. We conclude that despite its importance as a landmark to affirmative actions in higher education, quota law doesn’t have the necessary conditions to guarantee a fair distribution of the reserved spots.
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