Norwegian gender roles in transition: the masculinization hypothesis in the past and in the future

From stress to distress: Conceptualizing the British family farming patriarchal way of life

“…Material change drives change in gender relations over space and time, yet structural patterns of gender relations do persist (Connell, 2002). In family farming, researchers such as Almas and Haugen (1991) have revealed how patriarchy and ensuing gender relations have become less obvious behind the apparent reality of women 'farmers', but continue to operate at the covert level of maintaining domestic responsibilities (see also Morris and Evans, 2001). The harmful ways, to both men and women, that subjectivities become and remain tied to patriarchal family farming through such relations has previously been underestimated.…”

‘Doing it with men’: feminist research practice and patriarchal inheritance practices in Welsh family farming

“…Research on farming men has tended to take a different trajectory towards a focus on studies of masculinity and, for example, farming men's relationships between technology, nature and their bodies (Brandth and Haugen 2005;Little 2002b). However, a useful body of work informed by the theorisation of Connell (1987) confirms how inherited patriarchal gender identities are embedded in media representations of farming hegemonic masculinities and relational emphasised femininities (Almas and Haugen 1991;Brandth 1995;Liepins 1996;Morris and Evans 2001;Saugeres 2002). Internationally, though, agricultural researchers have largely resisted adding in feminist theorisation in providing explanations for the persistence of patrilineal patterns, their crucial role in facilitating the survival of family farming or its development trajectories (see Burton 2006;Lobley and Potter 2004 as UK examples).…”

“…Women also work, consistently, to reproduce patriarchy through their multiple work roles; socialisation of their children and subjugation of their legal rights (Whatmore 1991). UK inheritance law largely facilitates patrilineal succession whilst such patterns are also noted internationally despite the amendment of laws in countries, such as Norway, to enable farm succession by the eldest child (Almas and Haugen 1991). These patterns of behaviour have been shown to be derived from within the internal micro-worlds of inherited traditions across at least three generations (see Gasson and Errington 1993).…”

The Influence of Farm Size on Gendered Involvement in Crop Cultivation and Decision-making Responsibility of Moldovan Farmers

“…Holzner (2008) and Watson (1996) maintain that in Eastern Europe (...) the family farm fits into the general post-socialist transition experience of a 'rise of masculinism' (Watson 1996) (Holzner 2008: 437). The process is linked to the intersections of patriarchal culture, institutional arrangements that privilege men in day-to-day transactions in the public sphere, and commercialization of agriculture that includes the use of new technology, machinery and skills that men gain access to and use (Almas and Haugen 1991, Shortall 1999, Watson 1996, Holzner 2008. Women simultaneously are said to be pulled into off-farm work because it is available and brings added income to the household.…”

“…Much research on Western industrialized and post-soviet countries has found a growing 'masculinization' of agriculture (Brandth 2002, Almas and Haugen 1991, Holzner 2008, Rooij 1994, Shortall 1999, Watson 1996. Holzner (2008) and Watson (1996) maintain that in Eastern Europe (...) the family farm fits into the general post-socialist transition experience of a 'rise of masculinism' (Watson 1996) (Holzner 2008: 437).…”