Nomocracy versus teleocracy: Comparing participatory urban redevelopment in Shenzhen and Kashgar

Who is Entitled to Oppose Planning Decisions? Politics of Rightful Resistance in Tehran

“…Second, while the literature shows the importance of "insider connections" and "ties with authorities" in the success of rightful resistance (Cai 2010;Li and Liu 2022;Qi 2017;Shin 2013), our study showed that rightful resisters can be both privileged agents and victims of such ties. The benefits of such connections were mainly related to accessing necessary information and setting meetings with relevant authorities.…”

“…Such exceptionality can be explained by understanding the state-citizen relationship, which mediates which social networks can sustain or be torn apart; whose collective forms of claim-making can be tolerated or suppressed; and what level of concession or repression they should face. In line with Li and Liu (2022), who showed that the nature of the relationship between state and communities can create or obstruct opportunities for rightful resistance, in Kan, the historicity and intricacy of this relationship were critical to the analysis of the making or breaking of rightful resistance. This does not imply that Majma's own initiatives and experimental actions were unimportant; rather, their attempts in expanding their access to and distribution of information and acquiring planning knowledge, and their agility in switching between invented and invited spaces, have resulted in the suspension of urban regulations.…”

“…Honestly, whenever the Ministry of Intelligence or the Special Clerical Court summoned me regarding these issues, they respected us and told us that we are right and there was no scolding or disrespect. (Public gathering, Majma's head) Unlike other cases of urban activism in Tehran which often face suppression, Majma activities did not face the state's naked force, showing another instance of uneven possibilities of resistance (Kenney-Lazar et al 2018;Li and Liu 2022). Instead of a visible confrontation, different sections of the state attempted to contain and control these modalities of contention invisibly.…”

“…Rightful resistance literature has initially been grounded in peasant studies, focusing on land-grabbing or developmental projects (Chau 2019;Chuang 2014;Kerkvliet 2014;O'Brien 1996). More recently, studies report rightful resistance in urban contexts, concerning bargaining for compensation (Chen and Zhang 2021;Han et al 2023) or the right to stay put in cases of redevelopment (Chen and Zhang 2021;Smith 2020;Zhang and Moore-Cherry 2022); demanding public services (Xiong 2018); protecting local living conditions (Fr€ ohlich 2020); or demanding its improvement (Larrington-Spencer et al 2021;Li and Liu 2022). In China and Russia, rightful resistance is reported as an integral part of the collective resistance (Fr€ ohlich 2020; S€ andig 2021), since it lowers risks and expands opportunities for those who perceive their property rights are being infringed by the state or private sector.…”

“…Therefore, rightful resistance neither avoids the state (like everyday resistance) nor is against the state; it constitutes resistance within and through the state (Han et al 2023). Relying on alliance with some parts of the state also implies that collectives have differing access to "state spaces of resistance" and hence differing capacities to mobilise (Kenney-Lazar et al 2018;Li and Liu 2022). The historical political and social relationship between communities and different parts of the state mediates these inequalities (Li and Liu 2022).…”