No guts, no glory: How framing the collective past paves the way for anti-immigrant sentiments

Mols, Frank; Jetten, Jolanda

doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2014.08.014

Cited by 110 publications

(176 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…Similar distancing strategies have been observed in previous work (e.g. Angie et al, 2011;Coffey & Woolworth, 2004;Douglas et al, 2005;Erjavec & Kovačič, 2012;Faulkner & Bliuc, 2016;Moghaddam, 2005;Mols & Jetten, 2014;Steinfeldt et al, 2010) where the use of (hateful) language has been described as a means of creating negative social comparisons and reinforcing existing stereotypes -or 'othering'. Here, this 'othering' strategy served not only as a means of Making sense of Emma but, paradoxically, also led to Meeting hatred with hatred, as expressed in Emma's dehumanisation.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 75%

“…For example, posters who endorsed Emma's views tended to claim that immigrants and ethnic minorities were in receipt of preferential treatment by the State or by the police -which, in turn, mirrors previous findings (e.g. Coffey & Woolworth, 2004;Douglas et al, 2005;Mols & Jetten, 2014). These posters also invoked the notion of socio-economic insecurity as a consequence of immigration; attributing blame to immigrants has previously been linked to scapegoating, disgruntled sentiments, prejudice and hate crimes towards minority groups (Bowling & Phillips, 2003;Sibbitt, 1997;Young, 1999; for a detailed review see Walters, 2011).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 73%

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“Who is really British anyway?”: A thematic analysis of responses to online hate materials

Rohlfing¹,

Sonnenberg²

2016

Cyberpsychology

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 75%

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 73%

“Who is really British anyway?”: A thematic analysis of responses to online hate materials

Rohlfing¹,

Sonnenberg²

2016

Cyberpsychology

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“…Although there are individual differences in the extent to which group members feel collective angst (Jetten & Wohl, 2012;Wohl, Porat, & Halperin, 2016), appraising a perceived threat to the group's future vitality will elicit this group-based emotion (Lucas et al, 2014;Mashuri & Zaduqisti, 2015;Mols & Jetten, 2014;Wohl, King, & Taylor, 2014;Wohl et al, 2010). This emotional reaction is distinct from other related group-based emotional reactions, such as collective fear (Wohl & Branscombe, 2009;Wohl et al, 2010).…”

Section: The Psychology Of Collective Angstmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Collective angst can also have more nefarious consequences. For example, Mols and Jetten (2014) showed that leaders of populist right-wing parties in Europe attempt to instill feelings of collective angst in their audience as a means to increase support for harsher treatment of immigrants. Likewise, collective angst among Americans increases support for policies that restrict the work opportunities of immigrants (Lucas et al, 2014).…”

Section: The Psychology Of Collective Angstmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Importantly, group-level emotions function to regulate group-relevant or collective behavior (Maitner, Mackie, & Smith, 2006;van Zomeren, Leach, & Spears, 2012), rather than individual behavior (Carver, 2015). In the case of collective angst, behavior is directed towards attempts to secure the future vitality of the in-group.Although there are individual differences in the extent to which group members feel collective angst (Jetten & Wohl, 2012;Wohl, Porat, & Halperin, 2016), appraising a perceived threat to the group's future vitality will elicit this group-based emotion (Lucas et al, 2014;Mashuri & Zaduqisti, 2015;Mols & Jetten, 2014;Wohl, King, & Taylor, 2014;Wohl et al, 2010). This emotional reaction is distinct from other related group-based emotional reactions, such as collective fear (Wohl & Branscombe, 2009;Wohl et al, 2010).…”

mentioning

confidence: 98%

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Will we be harmed, will it be severe, can we protect ourselves? Threat appraisals predict collective angst (and its consequences)

Tabri

Wohl

Caouette

2017

Euro J Social Psych

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Across four studies, we applied the cognitive model of anxiety to explicate the appraisals that elicit collective angst (i.e., concern for the in-group's future vitality). In Study 1a, consistent with the model, Québécois experienced collective angst when they appraised the following: (1) a threat as likely to harm their group, (2) a threat as severely harming their group, and (3) Québécois as not having efficacy to protect their group. In Study 1b, results were replicated in the context of the realistic threat that Islamic extremists pose to Christian-Lebanese. In Studies 2a and 2b, we manipulated the three appraisals and found a similar pattern of results in the context of a potential terrorist attack on American soil by Islamic extremists. Importantly, collective angst mediated the threat appraisal effect on (non-Muslim) Americans' prejudice towards Muslims. The utility of the appraisal model for regulating collective angst (and thus its consequences) is discussed.Group members find comfort in the belief that there exists continuity in their group's past, present, and future (Jetten & Hutchison, 2011;Jetten & Wohl, 2012;Sani et al., 2007). This is because a sense of continuity provides existential security (Durkheim, 1951). Yet, social groups are not static; they change-a reality that, when salient, is often perceived as a threat to one's social identity (Riek, Mania, & Gaertner, 2006) and thus produces distress among group members (Chandler & Lalonde, 1998;Lampinen, Odegard, & Leding, 2004). This distress may manifest in collective angst-a group-based emotion that reflects concern for the future vitality of the in-group (Jetten & Wohl, 2012;Wohl, Branscombe, & Reysen, 2010).Importantly, collective angst originates from perceived extinction threats to one's in-group. These threats may take the form of realistic extinction threats posed by adversarial out-groups (Halperin, Porat, & Wohl, 2013;Wohl et al., 2010) but may also take the form of symbolic threats to the group's social identity (e.g., loss of cultural vitality; Wohl, Giguère, Branscombe, & McVicar, 2011). Halperin et al. (2013), for example, found that Israeli Jews experienced collective angst when they were informed that Israel did not have the capability to prevent a nuclear attack from Iran. Likewise, Canadians experienced collective angst when they perceived Canadian distinctiveness from the United States was under threat (Wohl et al., 2011). Whether the threat perceived is realistic or symbolic, the consequence of collective angst is the same-an upswing in support for efforts to strengthen the ingroup (e.g., support for policies that are perceived to be in-group protective; for a review, see Lucas, Rudolph, Zhdanova, Barkho, & Weidner, 2014;Wohl, Squires, & Caouette, 2012). To date, however, little is known about the appraisals of intergroup events that are necessary to elicit collective angst. The present research addressed this gap in knowledge by applying the cognitive model of anxiety (Beck, Emery, & Greenberg, 1985;Clark & Beck, 201...

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Economic inequality and the rise of far‐right populism: A social psychological analysis

Jay

Batruch

Jetten

et al. 2019

Community & Applied Soc Psy

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It is argued that far-right (FR) populism in the West is fuelled by inequality. In this paper, we argue that three social psychological processes are central to explaining these phenomena. We suggest that these processes are recursive although we do not specify their temporal order.Drawing on the social identity tradition, we first examine how inequality is linked to reduced social trust and cohesion, which has consequences for both low-and highincome groups. We examine the known effects of perceived threat in amplifying tensions between groups and consolidating identity positions. Second, we argue that national identity consolidation is a particularly likely response to inequality, which, in turn, reduces tolerance of cultural diversity as an associated consequence. Finally, we consider the value of these strengthened national identities to those who harness them effectively to gain political ground. In this way, those who offer FR populist rhetoric aligned with nationalism can blame immigrants, "foreign" powers, and mainstream politics for both the lack of social cohesion and reduced economic circumstances of many. We conclude that FR populist leaders not only tap into the negative social consequences of inequality, their policy positions also fail to address and may even compound the situation.---

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No guts, no glory: How framing the collective past paves the way for anti-immigrant sentiments

Cited by 110 publications

References 36 publications

“Who is really British anyway?”: A thematic analysis of responses to online hate materials

“Who is really British anyway?”: A thematic analysis of responses to online hate materials

Will we be harmed, will it be severe, can we protect ourselves? Threat appraisals predict collective angst (and its consequences)

Economic inequality and the rise of far‐right populism: A social psychological analysis

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