Abstract:The author hypothesizes an “arterial process” which would bring about a high degree of uniformity among U. S. newspapers, even if economic competition and political diversity could be increased. Better editors and reporters, with professional standards, seem to be the best hope for counteracting this tendency
“…Table 2 Table 4): The 1,136 political blog items contained 2,015 links to media sites (of which 360 were to the blogger's own parent medium). Moreover, hundreds of these links led primarily to the same elite media long identified as opinion leaders for all the rest (Breed, 1955), notably the Washington Post (246 links, not including those from its own j-blogger) and The New York Times (227 links from other j-blogs). Rounding out the top five were the Associated Press (198 links, coded as AP articles regardless of the actual site where the story ran), the Boston Globe (115 links, perhaps partly because of its extensive coverage of favorite son John Kerry) and the Los Angeles Times (113 links).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The most heavily used news sites are those of the media giants, including CNN, MSNBC, The New York Times, the Washington Post and USA Today (Project for Excellence, 2004). The elite media long ago identified by Breed (1955) as the profession's opinion leaders, outlets such as the Times and Post that still serve as models for the domestic press today (Hertog, 2000), thus remain dominant news sources and professional gatekeepers even in a media world characterized by millions of options.…”
Section: Journalistic Norms Practices and Goals: Nonpartisanship Gamentioning
Citation: Singer, J. (2005). The political j-blogger: 'Normalizing' a new media form to fit old norms and practices. Journalism, 6(2), pp. 173-198. doi: 10.1177/1464884905051009 This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. The political journalist who becomes a `j-blogger' confronts challenges to professional norms as a nonpartisan gatekeeper of information important to the public. But the format also offers journalists the potential for expanded transparency and accountability. This study explores how journalists are incorporating blogs in their coverage of politics and civic affairs. It analyzes ten national and ten local or regional `j-blogs' produced and maintained by journalists affiliated with mainstream news outlets, using a conceptual framework of normative professional constructs related to serving the needs of a democratic society. The results suggest that, especially among national media outlets, journalists are molding this distinctive online format to fit -and in some ways augment --traditional professional norms and practices. Blogs, in other words, are being `normalized' by journalists much as other aspects of the Internet have been.
Permanent repository link:
LITERATURE REVIEWThis section begins by summarizing literature to date on the role of the Internet in political communication, particularly the evidence for normalization of the medium by political actors. It provides a brief background on blogs from the professionals' perspective, then outlines the study's conceptual framework of journalistic norms and practices related to information delivery and accountability, incorporating suggestions about how blogs fit into this professional worldview.
The Internet and political communicationAs the Internet has evolved from a small, close-knit community of technophiles to a global phenomenon used by millions of ordinary people, it consistently has been accompanied by hopes for its potential to reinvigorate participatory democracy. Drawing on Dewey (1927), Habermas (1989 and others, some contemporary political theorists have heralded the network's inherently communal nature as the foundation for a new `electronic republic'. They have seen the medium as enabling citizens to `gain admission to the political realm' and retrieve the power stripped from them by the flawed structures and strictures of representative democracy (Grossman, 1995: 6).Others have been considerably more cautious, pointing out that the technology is merely an instrument. Any effect on democratic processes and goals depends `not on the quality and character of our technology but on the quality of our political institutions and the character of our citizens' (Barber, 1998-99: 588-89). True, the Internet enables messages to be sent farther, faster and with fewer intermediaries than traditional media forms, but transformation of a political system requires changes in the substance of the communication underlying it, not merely changes of volume and vehicle (B...
“…Table 2 Table 4): The 1,136 political blog items contained 2,015 links to media sites (of which 360 were to the blogger's own parent medium). Moreover, hundreds of these links led primarily to the same elite media long identified as opinion leaders for all the rest (Breed, 1955), notably the Washington Post (246 links, not including those from its own j-blogger) and The New York Times (227 links from other j-blogs). Rounding out the top five were the Associated Press (198 links, coded as AP articles regardless of the actual site where the story ran), the Boston Globe (115 links, perhaps partly because of its extensive coverage of favorite son John Kerry) and the Los Angeles Times (113 links).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The most heavily used news sites are those of the media giants, including CNN, MSNBC, The New York Times, the Washington Post and USA Today (Project for Excellence, 2004). The elite media long ago identified by Breed (1955) as the profession's opinion leaders, outlets such as the Times and Post that still serve as models for the domestic press today (Hertog, 2000), thus remain dominant news sources and professional gatekeepers even in a media world characterized by millions of options.…”
Section: Journalistic Norms Practices and Goals: Nonpartisanship Gamentioning
Citation: Singer, J. (2005). The political j-blogger: 'Normalizing' a new media form to fit old norms and practices. Journalism, 6(2), pp. 173-198. doi: 10.1177/1464884905051009 This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. The political journalist who becomes a `j-blogger' confronts challenges to professional norms as a nonpartisan gatekeeper of information important to the public. But the format also offers journalists the potential for expanded transparency and accountability. This study explores how journalists are incorporating blogs in their coverage of politics and civic affairs. It analyzes ten national and ten local or regional `j-blogs' produced and maintained by journalists affiliated with mainstream news outlets, using a conceptual framework of normative professional constructs related to serving the needs of a democratic society. The results suggest that, especially among national media outlets, journalists are molding this distinctive online format to fit -and in some ways augment --traditional professional norms and practices. Blogs, in other words, are being `normalized' by journalists much as other aspects of the Internet have been.
Permanent repository link:
LITERATURE REVIEWThis section begins by summarizing literature to date on the role of the Internet in political communication, particularly the evidence for normalization of the medium by political actors. It provides a brief background on blogs from the professionals' perspective, then outlines the study's conceptual framework of journalistic norms and practices related to information delivery and accountability, incorporating suggestions about how blogs fit into this professional worldview.
The Internet and political communicationAs the Internet has evolved from a small, close-knit community of technophiles to a global phenomenon used by millions of ordinary people, it consistently has been accompanied by hopes for its potential to reinvigorate participatory democracy. Drawing on Dewey (1927), Habermas (1989 and others, some contemporary political theorists have heralded the network's inherently communal nature as the foundation for a new `electronic republic'. They have seen the medium as enabling citizens to `gain admission to the political realm' and retrieve the power stripped from them by the flawed structures and strictures of representative democracy (Grossman, 1995: 6).Others have been considerably more cautious, pointing out that the technology is merely an instrument. Any effect on democratic processes and goals depends `not on the quality and character of our technology but on the quality of our political institutions and the character of our citizens' (Barber, 1998-99: 588-89). True, the Internet enables messages to be sent farther, faster and with fewer intermediaries than traditional media forms, but transformation of a political system requires changes in the substance of the communication underlying it, not merely changes of volume and vehicle (B...
“…Ce déséquilibre dans l'échange d'articles entre les deux quotidiens ne s'explique pas par le fait que les confl its montréalais seraient plus importants en nombre de jours/personnes perdus au cours de cette période et donc jugés plus importants par Le Soleil : sur les 543 articles d'information publiés dans Le Soleil au cours de la période 2002-2004, seulement deux d'entre eux proviennent de La Presse et ont pour objet un confl it montréalais. Puisque les éditeurs ne sont pas obligés de publier les nouvelles transmises par l'entremise de l'agence interne du groupe, la situation semble appuyer la théorie des effets artériels : (traduction) « Le fait de suivre le jugement des équipes rédactionnelles des plus grands journaux fournit aux responsables de l'information des plus petits journaux un sentiment de satisfaction d'avoir fait leur travail adéquatement » (Breed, 1955cité dans Glasser et al, 1989 Les sources directes utilisées par les quotidiens La Presse et Le Soleil se sont homogénéisées après l'intégration de ce dernier à la chaîne Gesca. Le groupe met sur pied une agence interne qui permet aux quotidiens regroupés de recevoir des articles des autres membres.…”
Quelle est l’influence de la concentration de la propriété des médias sur la diversité des contenus ? La comparaison de la couverture des arrêts de travail québécois réalisée parLe Soleil, avant et après son intégration à la chaîne Gesca, avec celles réalisées pour les mêmes périodes parLaPresse, plus important quotidien de la chaîne, etLeDevoir, quotidien indépendant, révèle l’uniformisation du contenu duSoleilet deLaPresse, en partie attribuable aux pratiques de collaboration établies entre salles de rédaction.
“…This led most print outlets to own broadcast stations in the United States in the 1940s (Stamm, 2011, p. 5). Studies on inter-media agenda-setting relations of newspaper and the online medium/wire services have established that agenda set on a medium influences topical issues published in the other (Breed, 1955;Cassidy, 2007;Danielian & Reese, 1989;Lee, Lancendorfer, & Lee, 2005;Roberts & McCombs, 1994;Roberts, Wanta, & Dzwo, 2002;Sikanku, 2011). However, researchers have not qualitatively given attention to purported direct use of content by various offline media such as the print media (newspaper) on one hand and broadcasting (radio and television) on the other hand especially within Africa and specifically the Ghanaian context.…”
Ghana's public sphere has witnessed a growing media presence which has enhanced the relay of information to the citizenry. By this, society is given a full spectrum of alternatives to access media. Amid this atmosphere is a platform labeled the "Newspaper Review Show" which appears to have generated some sort of contention since its inception among newspaper publishers on one hand and broadcast stations on the other. Using an exploratory qualitative approach, this study has shown that review of newspaper content is pervasive in the landscape and the selective style of review of major agenda has affected readership, revenue of newspaper outlets, and reading culture, among others. However, the article also contended that falling readership is attributed to some factors other than only review of newspaper content.
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