New Hampshire as a royal province

Fry, William H.

doi:10.5479/sil.259818.39088006303887

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“…At the start it numbered a mere twenty-six members; and it was expected that the president, following the practice of colonial governors, would seek its advice in the discharge of his office. 2 His cabinet had a quite different pedigree. It was envisaged in 1787 as something '[our Government] has always wanted, but never yet had.'…”

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“…It was probably during the same period that the cabinet began to acquire the closely associated authority to proffer unasked advice. 2 And it was surely only during the half century following 1783 that the conception of collective responsibility to parliament and submission to a prime minister was worked out. 3 If this chronology is correct, it was natural that there should be few references to the English cabinet in the debates of the Federal Convention of 1787.…”

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“…This recommendation was dated 7 May 1711. It was not until August 1712 that it was submitted by the Board to the Queen in Council, 2 and even then the Secretary of State had to be prompted to issue the warrants in pursuance of the Order that was made. 3 Meanwhile Hunter refrained from summoning the legislature; and there was no meeting between July 1711 and December 1713, it being in his view 'vain to attempt anything in the Jerseys until the Council be alter'd'.…”

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“…The confusion of conciliar and legislative business was itself an obstacle to constitutional development, and it did not wholly disappear until the middle 'fifties. 2 So long as, in addition, the gover- 1 nor continued to attend the legislative sessions of the council there was a likelihood that procedure would be perplexed; and so long as he did so, the legislative sessions of the upper house compared unfavourably with those of the lower; for the effect of the governor's presence was to discredit the proceedings, and consequently the councillors themselves in their own persons, in popular estimation, causing them to be regarded, in comparison with the members of the assembly, as instruments of royal or proprietary control. The governor withdrew in Virginia in 1725, in New York in 1730, in New Jersey in 1738, in South Carolina not until 1756.…”

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“…In New Hampshire the council came in time to exert little influence. 2 It became an insignificant body in Maryland between 1715 and 1753, though its standing there improved during the governorship of Horatio Sharpe. 3 Its title to sit as an upper house was disputed in South Carolina in 1756, 1770 and 1773.…”

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Presidential Address: Council and Cabinet in the Mainland Colonies

Bellot¹

1955

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society

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The cabinet in Great Britain is an emanation of the privy council. The councils in the royal colonies upon the American mainland, like those in the West Indies, were, in the language of the royal instructions to colonial Governors, ‘our’ councils, and at the beginning of the eighteenth century there was a prospect of a like development overseas. Yet it did not occur. The offspring of the colonial council in America is the senate of the United States. That body, like the colonial councils, has both legislative and executive functions. At the start it numbered a mere twenty-six members; and it was expected that the president, following the practice of colonial governors, would seek its advice in the discharge of his office. His cabinet had a quite different pedigree. It was envisaged in 1787 as something ‘[our Government] has always wanted, but never yet had.’ But it was, and still is, a meeting, not of ministers having seats in one or other of the houses of the legislature and collectively responsible to it, but of heads of departments individually responsible to the president. And it was historically, not a cabinet after the English model in a state of arrested development, but paradoxically a device of the legislature adapted to a presidential system. Why, it may be of interest to enquire, did this happen?

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Presidential Address: Council and Cabinet in the Mainland Colonies

Bellot¹

1955

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society

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Income Tax in Common Law Jurisdictions

Harris

2006

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This book was first published in 2006. Many common law countries inherited British income tax rules. Whether the inheritance was direct or indirect, the rationale and origins of some of the central rules seem almost lost in history. Commonly, they are simply explained as being of British origin without more, but even in Britain the origins of some of these rules are less than clear. This book traces the roots of the income tax and its precursors in Britain and in its former colonies to 1820. Harris focuses on four issues that are central to common law income taxes and which are of particular current relevance: the capital/revenue distinction, the taxation of corporations, taxation on both a source and residence basis, and the schedular approach to taxation. He uses an historical perspective to make observations about the future direction of income tax in the modern world.

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Agricultural Conditions in the Northern Colonies Before the Revolution

Sachs

1953

J. Eco. History

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Many writers treating the late colonial period have touched uponthe subject of economic fluctuations, but no agreement is found as to the duration, intensity, and amplitude of these alterations of good and bad times. Nor has any investigation as yet assembled all the available data necessary to an understanding of this phenomenon. Since agriculture constituted an important aspect of the colonial economy, some light may be shed upon these economic vicissitudes by an examination of Northern agricultural conditions in the two decades preceding the Revolution.

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New Hampshire as a royal province

Cited by 5 publications

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Presidential Address: Council and Cabinet in the Mainland Colonies

Presidential Address: Council and Cabinet in the Mainland Colonies

Income Tax in Common Law Jurisdictions

Agricultural Conditions in the Northern Colonies Before the Revolution

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