2011
DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2011.571919
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

New Grounds for Patriarchy in Turkey? Gender Policy in the Age of AKP

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
3
1
1

Citation Types

0
59
0

Year Published

2015
2015
2020
2020

Publication Types

Select...
4
4
1

Relationship

0
9

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 166 publications
(63 citation statements)
references
References 26 publications
0
59
0
Order By: Relevance
“…And although some praiseworthy Muslim publics in some countries around the globe are less inclined than their non-Muslim counterparts to accept male domestic violence against women, our evaluation of the "World Values Survey" data shows that more than a third and, in some countries, more than half of the entire Muslim population accepts male domestic violence against women (India; Thailand; Iraq; Rwanda; Mali; Egypt; Bahrain; Algeria; Lebanon; Ghana; Burkina Faso; Philippines; Malaysia; Nigeria; Russia; Singapore; Uzbekistan; Kuwait; Palestinian Territories; Germany; Yemen; Kazakhstan; Kyrgyzstan; Morocco; and China). In view of these tendencies, a case could be made for a kind of neo-Kemalism in the West and also in those Muslim countries which strive for Western political orientations and reforms (Coşar and Yeğenoğlu, 2011;Ozcetin, 2013;Dedeoglu, 2013;Kandiyoti, 2012;Arik, 2015;Cronin, 2014). For the empirical social scientist, it is clear at least that the acceptance of the veil and of polygamy cannot be separated from attitudes which largely must be deemed as incompatible with an overall functioning "Open Society".…”
Section: Mass Support For Traditional Gender Roles In the Muslim Worldmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…And although some praiseworthy Muslim publics in some countries around the globe are less inclined than their non-Muslim counterparts to accept male domestic violence against women, our evaluation of the "World Values Survey" data shows that more than a third and, in some countries, more than half of the entire Muslim population accepts male domestic violence against women (India; Thailand; Iraq; Rwanda; Mali; Egypt; Bahrain; Algeria; Lebanon; Ghana; Burkina Faso; Philippines; Malaysia; Nigeria; Russia; Singapore; Uzbekistan; Kuwait; Palestinian Territories; Germany; Yemen; Kazakhstan; Kyrgyzstan; Morocco; and China). In view of these tendencies, a case could be made for a kind of neo-Kemalism in the West and also in those Muslim countries which strive for Western political orientations and reforms (Coşar and Yeğenoğlu, 2011;Ozcetin, 2013;Dedeoglu, 2013;Kandiyoti, 2012;Arik, 2015;Cronin, 2014). For the empirical social scientist, it is clear at least that the acceptance of the veil and of polygamy cannot be separated from attitudes which largely must be deemed as incompatible with an overall functioning "Open Society".…”
Section: Mass Support For Traditional Gender Roles In the Muslim Worldmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Patriarchal configuration of gender relations, in its various forms, has been another major determinant of sociopolitical life in Turkey. As Coşar and Yeğenoğlu (2011) point out, due to 'the patriarchal structure that permeates almost all political tendencies in Turkey' women's movement in Turkey has have to 'bargain with' different modes of patriarchy since the foundation of the republic: republican, liberal, Islamist, and most lately, under the JDP rule, neoliberal-conservative patriarchy. Being built upon different presumptions, each version of patriarchy is characterized by a particular formulation of gender roles that men and women are expected to play.…”
Section: Historical and Conceptual Backgroundmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…(McRobbie, 2004(McRobbie, , 2007 The rising anti-feminist discourse in the current era can also be clearly tracked down in the Turkish context with respect to the political agenda of the pro-Islamist AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) [The Justice and Development Party] government. Studies on AKP's gender politics reveal that the party's policies and political discourses have constantly reproduced traditional gender roles and confined women to familial roles (Çitak & Tür, 2008;Coşar & Yeğenoğlu, 2011). One can also allege that the patriarchal tones in AKP discourses have been further reinforced through attempts to disassociate feminism and gender equality and marginalize feminism as an extreme ideology.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In the AKP's conservative politics, being a woman is first and foremost defined within the familial sphere through traditional gender codes (Çitak & Tür, 2008;Coşar & Yeğenoğlu, 2011;Unal & Cindoğlu, 2013). To protect family unity, the AKP government aims to reinforce a strong commitment among citizens to the moral and political importance of the family ideal.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%