Abstract:Climate change is widely recognised as a 'wicked' policy problem. Agreeing and implementing governance responses is proving extremely difficult. Policy makers in many jurisdictions now emphasise their ambition to govern using the best available evidence. One obvious source of such evidence is the evaluations of the performance of existing policies. But to what extent do these evaluations provide insights into the difficult dilemmas that governors typically encounter? We address this question by reviewing the c… Show more
“…What 'short-cuts' and rationales do they use to overcome complex problems? We identify three dilemmas that are addressed in the literature (Adger et al, 2009;Haug et al, 2010;Walker et al, 2011;Mees et al, 2012;Preston et al, 2013): value uncertainty, planning horizon problems, and indirect benefits. Figure 1 illustrates our conceptual framework based on three spheres: (1) climate adaptation as a planning issue; (2) uncertainty and complexity as a decision problem; and (3) the decisions problems are bundled into thematic clusters of the institutional dilemmas.…”
Section: Institutional Dilemmas: Clustering Uncertainty and Reducing mentioning
“…What 'short-cuts' and rationales do they use to overcome complex problems? We identify three dilemmas that are addressed in the literature (Adger et al, 2009;Haug et al, 2010;Walker et al, 2011;Mees et al, 2012;Preston et al, 2013): value uncertainty, planning horizon problems, and indirect benefits. Figure 1 illustrates our conceptual framework based on three spheres: (1) climate adaptation as a planning issue; (2) uncertainty and complexity as a decision problem; and (3) the decisions problems are bundled into thematic clusters of the institutional dilemmas.…”
Section: Institutional Dilemmas: Clustering Uncertainty and Reducing mentioning
“…An example of a reframing-based CPI is the inclusion of annual energy tax increases as climate policy, when these are already instituted for fiscal reasons. As observed by Haug et al (2010), several longstanding measures reported as climate policies were initially designed as responses to other problems. At a strategic level, a level above that of policy instruments, support for many energy technologies has been reframed as climate policy without significant change at the level of policy instruments (Lovell et al 2009, Kivimaa andMickwitz 2011).…”
Seeking to develop a novel understanding of how climate policy innovations emerge and spread, we conceptualize three types of CPIs genuinely original, diffusion based and reframing based and relate these to the socio-technical transitions literature, particularly the multi-level perspective that explains change through interaction between . Selected climate-related transport policies in Finland, Sweden and the United Kingdom are used to illustrate five hypotheses that connect these concepts from the multi-level perspective to particular types of climate policy innovation.O policy innovation may be uncommon in contexts with major sunk investments such as transport, principally because socio-technical regimes tend to be resistant to political pressures for change originating at the same level. Nonetheless, the Multi-level Perspective posits that regimes are subject to influence by pressures originating at both niche and landscape levels. Given that policy reframing is relatively common, it may offer a key entry point for climate policy innovation in the short to medium term.
“…Finally, many single EU environmental objectives have been criticized. For instance, Spangenberg (2010) and Steurer & Berger (2011) critiqued sustainable development; McLauchlan & João (2012) and Sheate (2012) critiqued the safe environment objective; and Haug et al (2010), Capros et al (2011), and Brouwer et al (2013) critiqued greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction. In contrast, few studies have scrutinized the overall EU environmental policy system in terms of its coherence (i.e., consistency of policies within a framework), efficiency (i.e., ability of policies to meet their objectives), and independence (i.e., logical priority of objectives over policies).…”
This paper presents the first empirical test of coherence (i.e., consistency of policies within a framework), efficiency (i.e., ability of policies to meet their objectives), and independence (i.e., logical priority of objectives over policies) of the overall EU environmental policy system. To do so, I applied statistical (cross-sectional and time series) and econometric (dynamic tri-probit) analyses to an original panel dataset, based on addressed issues rather than on implemented policies. In contrast with previous studies of single EU environmental policies, characteristics of the EU environmental policy, or EU environmental objectives, I found that the overall EU environmental policy system is coherent, efficient, and independent. Moreover, the evidence suggests that many issues are correlated: trans-boundary issues became more relevant in 2012, pollution production was more significant than resource use, and flow issues were more important than stock issues from 1995 to 2010. Finally, I show that few objectives overlapped: a "safe environment" objective (1987 to 1997) was preferred to a "greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction" objective (2003 to 2012, but pursued with a 2-year lag), although the latter has recently become preferred to the former. In addition, a "GHG reduction" objective was preferred to "a sustainable development" objective (1998 to 2002).
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