Dynamics of National Identity 2016
DOI: 10.4324/9781315746111-5
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National identity and exclusion of non-ethnic migrants

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Cited by 12 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…Nevertheless, all of our hypotheses were confirmed by the data, that is, the endorsement of an ethnic definition predicted lower pro-minority and higher pro-majority collective action and this connection was mediated by higher fear and lower empathy, while the endorsement of a civic definition predicted higher pro-minority and lower pro-majority collective action and this connection was mediated by lower fear and higher empathy. This result is in line with previous research suggesting the importance of the role of defining the nation in inclusive or exclusive ways (see Minescu et al, 2008 ; Wagner et al, 2012 ), and the potential consequences for the integration of minorities ( Sides and Citrin, 2007 ; Hochman et al, 2016 ; Golec de Zavala et al, 2017 ). As our outcome variable was pro-minority and pro-majority collective action, we were also able to show that these definitions of the nation matter for mobilization, as they predicted intergroup emotions differently which in turn predicted both types of mobilizations in opposite ways.…”
Section: Methodssupporting
confidence: 92%
“…Nevertheless, all of our hypotheses were confirmed by the data, that is, the endorsement of an ethnic definition predicted lower pro-minority and higher pro-majority collective action and this connection was mediated by higher fear and lower empathy, while the endorsement of a civic definition predicted higher pro-minority and lower pro-majority collective action and this connection was mediated by lower fear and higher empathy. This result is in line with previous research suggesting the importance of the role of defining the nation in inclusive or exclusive ways (see Minescu et al, 2008 ; Wagner et al, 2012 ), and the potential consequences for the integration of minorities ( Sides and Citrin, 2007 ; Hochman et al, 2016 ; Golec de Zavala et al, 2017 ). As our outcome variable was pro-minority and pro-majority collective action, we were also able to show that these definitions of the nation matter for mobilization, as they predicted intergroup emotions differently which in turn predicted both types of mobilizations in opposite ways.…”
Section: Methodssupporting
confidence: 92%
“…Yet, along with a high correlation of factors and small differences in their exploratory power concerning policy positions (Janmaat, 2006; Wright et al, 2012, p. 471; cf. Hochmann et al, 2016, p. 73), the ambiguities concerning the content that constitutes the factors resulting in inconsistent factor structures across studies are striking (Ariely, 2020; Berg & Hjerm, 2010; Wright et al, 2012; cf. Hadler & Flesken, 2018; cf.…”
Section: The Missing Conceptual–methodological Link In National Ident...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Reijerse et al, 2013), has been proven inadequate for the analysis of individual national identity. Using variable-centred methods, like factor analysis, many studies indeed confirmed the existence of two factors, mostly labelled as ethnic (-ascribed/objectivist) and civic (-voluntarist) (Helbling et al, 2016;Hochmann et al, 2016;Jones & Smith, 2001a, 2001bKunovich, 2009;Reeskens & Hooghe, 2010). Yet, along with a high correlation of factors and small differences in their exploratory power concerning policy positions (Janmaat, 2006;Wright et al, 2012, p. 471;cf.…”
Section: The Ethnic-civic Dichotomy In National Identity Researchmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…The two concepts are tightly aligned, underscoring the origins of national chauvinism in the perceived superiority of the nation's ethnic and religious majority. Empirically, ethnonationalism and traditional measures of national chauvinism have very similar effects reinforcing their conceptual overlap (Citrin, Reingold, et al, 1990; Citrin, Wong, et al, 2001; Hochman, Rajimna, & Schmidt, 2016; Lindstam, Matthias, & Harald, 2021; Schildkraut, 2011; Wong, 2010).…”
Section: A Primer On National Attachmentsmentioning
confidence: 96%