Musical taste and patterns of symbolic exclusion in the United States 1993–2012: Generational dynamics of differentiation and continuity

Ližardo, Omar; Skiles, Sara

doi:10.1016/j.poetic.2015.08.003

Cited by 114 publications

(57 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…We begin by placing Audience Finder and Taking Part in the longer history of surveys of arts participation, commenting both on the value and limitations. In particular, we note the tendency, discussed extensively by Bryson (1996), Lizardo and Skiles (2015) and Savage and Gayo (2011) for the nuances within art forms to be flattened by the large-scale social survey. This point underpins the subsequent analysis.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 76%

“…(2012, p. 146) Although most quantitative analysts would recognise the plurality of interpretation given to the same answer categories in a survey, the modes of surveying culture risk attributing a fixed value to artform and genre categories. In turn, this attaches a dominant interpretation, for instance, hip hop has been mostly articulated as a popular (as opposed to "highbrow") taste in the literature (Bryson, 1996), even if its appreciation has increased over time (Lizardo & Skiles, 2015) and some sort of connoisseurship of the genre may, in particular contexts, be a distinctive resource. Indeed, the categories of hip hop and rap can be seen as counter-posed with classical music, occupying opposite ends of scales (Veenstra, 2015).…”

Section: Surveys On Arts Participationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The coming crisis of cultural engagement? Measurement, methods, and the nuances of niche activities

2019

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Do ticketing data and national survey data on attendance tell the same story? This question is particularly important in the context of debates over the power of new forms of data to supplant the "traditional" survey methods that have underpinned our understanding of the social stratification of culture. This paper compares three data sources on attendance: the Active Lives Survey, the Taking Part Survey, and Audience Finder. We first compare self-reported attendance at events in each English local authority from the Active Lives survey with ticket sales data, finding a close relationship. We follow up by comparing the distributions of ticket buyers across the Indices of Multiple Deprivation with those from Taking Part, finding that for widelyticketed and widely-attended art forms they track closely together, providing support for existing trends. Ticketing data does not seem to offer more information on social stratification than traditional social science sources. However, we extend the comparison through more detailed analysis of subcategories within less well-researched formsliterature and dance eventswhere numbers of attendees are lower, with accompanying uncertainty in survey sources. We find that the audiences for dance vary widely, with ballet attendance being heavily socially stratified but attendance at contemporary dance much more similar to the general population. However, we find that audiences for literature events are more heavily socially stratified than almost any other art form, almost regardless of the subcategory. The power of new datasets is in offering specificity about artforms, rather than overturning what we know about culture and inequality.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 76%

Section: Surveys On Arts Participationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The coming crisis of cultural engagement? Measurement, methods, and the nuances of niche activities

2019

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“…It also shows how the field of cultural consumption -where tastes are expressed -is intrinsically related to the field of cultural production from where new principles of perception and appreciation can be validated (Lizardo, 2008). While rap and hip hop have for long been considered as a lowbrow or popular genre with little aesthetic value (Bryson, 1996), its appreciation has increased over time ( Lizardo and Skiles, 2015) and some sort of connoisseurship of the genre may shortly become a distinctive resource.…”

Section: Proposition 1: the Socio-historical Genesis Of Individual Aementioning

confidence: 99%

‘But is it good?’ Why Aesthetic Values Matter in Sociological Accounts of Tastes

Hanquinet

2018

Journal of Cultural Analysis and Social Change

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If the relation between social position, cultural capital and tastes is well known in the literature, many accounts of tastes do not bother to examine the aesthetic dimension of the cultural capital. Yet, people are immersed during their lives within a multiplicity of aesthetic values that are processed into aesthetic dispositions that orient their cultural choices. This article develops a theoretical model for taste-making that helps us examine the implications of why aesthetic values should be taken seriously. First these values are historically situated and hence are bound to change over time. This means that the definitions of our conceptual tools, such cultural capital and highbrow culture, need to be monitored and updated when necessary. Although they are rooted in social transformations, these values acquire a force of their own and motivate people's cultural preferences. This matters since these values also participate in the delimitation of what is perceived as good, bad, right and wrong in society. In short, I argue that tastes are influenced by people's social position but in a much more indirect way than has often been assumed.

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“…Partitioning persons into discrete classes based on their trajectories reveals systematic patterns of opposition based on both social position and taste. This includes the capacity to isolate patterns of cultural choice that have both generational and class-based components, from those that are driven by purely-generational (class-orthogonal) dynamics (Lizardo and Skiles, 2015).…”

Section: Implications For Our Understanding Of Individual Patterns Ofmentioning

confidence: 99%

The mutual specification of genres and audiences: Reflective two-mode centralities in person-to-culture data

Ližardo

2018

Poetics

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Recent developments at the intersection of cultural sociology and network theory suggest that the relations between persons and the cultural forms they consume can be productively analyzed using conceptual resources and methods adapted from network analysis. In this paper, I seek to contribute to this developing line of thinking on the culture-networks link as it pertains to the sociology of taste. I present a general analytic and measurement framework useful for rethinking traditional survey (or population) based data on individuals and their cultural choices as a two mode persons × genres network. The proposed methodological tools allow me to develop a set of "reflective" metrics useful for ranking both persons and genres in terms of the pattern of choices and audience composition embedded in the cultural network. The empirical analysis shows that these metrics have both face and criterion validity, allowing us to extract useful information that would remain out of reach of standard quantitative strategies. I close by outlining the analytic and substantive implications of the approach.

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Musical taste and patterns of symbolic exclusion in the United States 1993–2012: Generational dynamics of differentiation and continuity

Cited by 114 publications

References 31 publications

The coming crisis of cultural engagement? Measurement, methods, and the nuances of niche activities

The coming crisis of cultural engagement? Measurement, methods, and the nuances of niche activities

‘But is it good?’ Why Aesthetic Values Matter in Sociological Accounts of Tastes

The mutual specification of genres and audiences: Reflective two-mode centralities in person-to-culture data

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