Multilateral Democracy: The “Original Position”

Cheneval, Francis

doi:10.1057/9780230339521_7

Cited by 3 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…The liberal democratic ideal holds that transformative polity‐building at any level has to pass the test of individual and collective appropriation by demoi , of open deliberation and decision‐making in concrete life worlds and political communities (Cheneval, 2011). Following this political logic of intersubjective and demoicratic appropriation, Cheneval (2008) proposed a constructivist approach. The initial question asked is on what principles of conduct and institutional design democratic statespeoples and citizens would agree upon under fair conditions and given the contextual incentives to seek common forms of government.…”

Section: Principles Of Demoicracymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We hope to make a contribution to such a method and we present a first attempt at a new form of evaluation of the EU's legitimacy and democratic quality. The normative theory we propose is underwritten by a methodological choice that we hold to be the most adequate for a theory dealing with the problem of multiple demoi : John Rawls' (1993, 1999) political constructivism as adapted to multilateral democracy in this and former studies (Cheneval, 2008, 2011).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Case for Demoicracy in the European Union*

Cheneval

Schimmelfennig

2012

J of Common Market Studies

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181

110

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The debate on the European Union's democratic deficit usually operates within a nationaldemocratic framework of analysis. This article argues for a change in methodology. It follows the thesis that the EU is a 'demoicracy' -a polity of multiple demoi -and has to be evaluated as such. Core principles of demoicracy are developed and the EU is assessed accordingly. Such an evaluation is not only more adequate, but also provides original insights: it is found that, whereas the constitutional development of the EU has approached demoicratic standards in general, major deficits remain at the national level.

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Section: Principles Of Demoicracymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Case for Demoicracy in the European Union*

Cheneval

Schimmelfennig

2012

J of Common Market Studies

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181

110

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“…Free citizens of a liberal state might engage in transnational associations with purposes that differ from the collective interests of its people as represented by the government. (Cheneval, 2008: 42)…”

Section: Comparative Advantagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Proponents of LM demand of states forming a democratic union, first, a mutual recognition of the equal legitimacy of the regulations of other member states. They demand, second, that they refrain from discriminating against the citizens and corporations of other member states and, third, that they grant mobile citizens not only the right to exit and entry, but also an inclusion into the national demos (Cheneval, 2008: 49–53; Cheneval et al, 2015: 7–14). The demand to the reciprocal recognition of competing regulations is, effectively, an expression of a ‘negative integration’ strategy, which de-regulates the transnational realm by stimulating regulatory competition (Scharpf, 1999).…”

Section: Comparative Advantagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intergovernmentalism and the crisis of representative democracy: The case for creating a system of horizontally expanded and overlapping national democracies

Blatter

Schulz

2022

European Journal of International Relations

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Technocratic intergovernmentalism has undermined the preconditions for its own success as a democratic project of transnational cooperation. It has triggered populist reactions within nation states and helped to discredit the intermediary institutions (parties and parliaments) that connect democratic will-formation and joint decision-making. This rise of populism and its alignment with nationalism, in consequence, hampers joint decision-making in the international realm. We argue that representative democracies can overcome the negative spiral between technocratic intergovernmentalism and nationalist populism by mutually granting their citizens the right to elect representatives not only in their domestic parliament, but also in the parliaments of ‘consociated democracies’. Such a system of horizontally expanded and overlapping national democracies can serve three functions: it re-empowers citizens in a world of cross-border flows, it curbs the self-destructive polarization of party systems and it facilitates cooperation among democracies within the European Union (EU) and beyond. Finally, we discuss three competing approaches: Liberal Multilateralism, Deliberative Transnationalism and Republican Intergovernmentalism. We point to common ground, but also show how our approach avoids their main pitfalls.

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“…Departing from supranationalist traditions that perceive the need for and expect the emergence of a European demos and from intergovernmentalist understandings that postulate limited powers for EU institutions based on delegation by the national demoi, the notion of demoi--cracy embraces the dual character of the EU as a community of both states(peoples) and individuals in a common supranational polity (Nicolaïdis 2003;Besson 2006;Bohman 2007;Cheneval 2008Cheneval , 2011. Describing a political community of multiple demoi or a 'community of others' (Weiler 1999, Nicolaïdis 2004, demoi--cracy acknowledges the fact that the European polity is evolving on the basis of mainly nationally constituted demoi.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Demoi-cracy in the European Union: principles, institutions, policies

Cheneval¹,

Lavenex²,

Schimmelfennig³

2014

Journal of European Public Policy

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In a 'demoi--cracy', separate statespeoples enter into a political arrangement and jointly exercise political authority. Its proper domain is a polity of democratic states with hierarchical, majoritarian features of policy--making, especially in value--laden redistributive and coercive policy areas, but without a unified political community (demos). In its vertical dimension, demoi--cracy is based on the equality and interaction of citizens' and statespeoples' representatives in the making of common policies. Horizontally, it seeks to balance equal transnational rights of citizens with national policy--making autonomy. The EU belongs to the domain of demoi--cracy and has established many of its features. We argue that both vertical and horizontal demoi--cratization have been triggered by processes of supranational integration in the EU. They differ, however, in the origins and the outcomes. Vertical demoi--cratization has initially been a reaction of parliamentary institutional actors to majoritarian decision--making in regulatory policy--areas, resulting in the empowerment of the EP and the strengthening of parliamentary oversight at the national level. By contrast, horizontal demoi--cratization has been promoted by governments as an alternative to majoritarian and legally binding policy--making in core areas of statehood as well as coercive and redistributive policy--areas; it has resulted in soft, coordinative forms of policy--making, seeking to protect national autonomy. The extent to which these developments actually meet the normative standards of demoi--cracy in practice, however, is mixed.2

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Multilateral Democracy: The “Original Position”

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

The Case for Demoicracy in the European Union*

The Case for Demoicracy in the European Union*

Intergovernmentalism and the crisis of representative democracy: The case for creating a system of horizontally expanded and overlapping national democracies

Demoi-cracy in the European Union: principles, institutions, policies

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