Multidimensional Threats and Military Engagement: The Case of the Italian Intervention in Libya

Ceccorulli, Michela; Coticchia, Fabrizio

doi:10.1080/13629395.2015.1042245

Cited by 12 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…This literature has considerably expanded in recent years and it has mainly focussed on single theoretical explanations (Cladi and Webber, 2011; Ratti, 2012; Olmastroni, 2014). More recently, other scholars have begun to consider different drivers to provide a more nuanced account of Italian foreign policy (Ceccorulli and Coticchia, 2015, 2017; Tercovich, 2016; Carati and Locatelli, 2017). However, an attempt to use analytical eclecticism is missing 1 .…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why did Italy contribute to UNIFIL II? An analytical eclectic analysis

Cladi

Locatelli

2018

Riv. ital. sci. polit.

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After the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah, the UN launched the peacekeeping operation UNIFIL II. Italy embarked on the demanding task of taking responsibility for leading the mission. We present a model of military intervention in multilateral operations that aims at highlighting the mechanisms at stake. In so doing, we argue that an analytical eclectic approach offers a novel explanation of Italy’s behaviour. We explain the drivers of Italy’s intervention in Lebanon in two ways. First, we analyse Italy’s actions at the outset of the crisis. Second, we provide an account of the parliamentary debate that took place in both chambers of the Italian Parliament between July and October 2006.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why did Italy contribute to UNIFIL II? An analytical eclectic analysis

Cladi

Locatelli

2018

Riv. ital. sci. polit.

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“…Davidson (2013, 316), for example, argues that the “threat to France’s borders posed by refugees fleeing violence in Libya” is an important factor to explain France’s reaction to the crisis. Italy’s contribution to the operation also seems grounded in narrow interests (Ceccorulli and Coticchia 2015, 15). According to Lombardi (2011, 33, 42), Italy’s main goals during the Libyan crisis were avoiding a large refugee influx and preserving its economic interests in the country.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

NATO Burden Sharing in Libya

Haesebrouck

2016

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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This study aims to explain the pattern of contributions to NATO’s military campaign in Libya. It combines collective action theory with hypotheses on balance of threat, alliance politics, and domestic constraints in a multicausal framework, which is tested with qualitative comparative analysis. The results suggest novel inferences on the interactions between partisan politics, and the benefits states wish to secure by contributing to a multilateral operation. Contrary to conventional wisdom, parties situated at the left of the ideological spectrum were more inclined to support Operation Unified Protector than parties situated at the right. Whereas left-wing governments participated if they had the resources to contribute significantly to the fulfillment of the protection mandate and either highly valued their alliance with the United States or were not facing imminent elections, right-wing governments only contributed if their countries’ interests were threatened by the crisis in Libya or their participation was critical for the operation’s success.

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“…Italy's economic interests are in Tripoli, as Italians have won over the past years many projects in the oil sector, and they do not want French companies to compete with them in the sector. Ceccorulli and Coticchia (2015) highlighted that the pressure of military and economic lobbies and the promotion of stability in strategic areas for the Italian economy are the main elements behind Italy's defense policy actions abroad. Italy's support is also rooted in history, considering that Italy colonized Libya in 1911 and fought through World War II to retain control there.…”

Section: The Trajectory Of the Eu Promoting Democracy After The Arab ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The European Union and Democracy Promotion in the Middle East and North Africa Countries: Bridging the Gap Between Constructivism and Realism

Direkli¹,

Asheikh²

2022

Politics, Economy, Security Issues Hidden Under the Carpet of Mediterranean

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The discourse of European foreign policy is based on transferring fundamental concepts; including democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms derived from the role of the European Union (EU) as a non-traditional global actor “normative power”. However, the EU's experience in promoting democracy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) shows that its commitments in this field remain selective and depend on the calculation of interests. This study explores the factors which have had implications on the Euro-Mediterranean partnership in promoting democracy; and it argues that understanding the EU's approach to supporting democracy in the MENA requires a combination of both constructivist and rationalist assumptions. According to the findings of this study, the EU always prioritizes its security considerations and economic interests over standards and values when normative influence is insufficient. This is not due to a problem in the normative content of the EU’s foreign policy discourse; but it is due to the complexity of its security and economic interests in this region in particular. This study concludes that the contradiction between the EU’s normative dynamics and its strategic objectives undermines its normative power.

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Multidimensional Threats and Military Engagement: The Case of the Italian Intervention in Libya

Cited by 12 publications

References 14 publications

Why did Italy contribute to UNIFIL II? An analytical eclectic analysis

Why did Italy contribute to UNIFIL II? An analytical eclectic analysis

NATO Burden Sharing in Libya

The European Union and Democracy Promotion in the Middle East and North Africa Countries: Bridging the Gap Between Constructivism and Realism

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