“…Thus, native speakers of German may use lexical items from Turkish (Auer & Dirim, ), and Dutch speakers with a Moroccan background may use lexical items from Sranan (Surinamese Creole). The Dutch example (9) below, with lexical material from the Moroccan language Berber and Sranan (Surinamese) was uttered by a speaker with a Moroccan background (Nortier & Dorleijn, ). …”
Section: Linguistic Characteristics Of Uyss'smentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In order to be identified as a UYSS speaker, it is not necessary to include all linguistic levels at the same time. Sometimes, even the use of a single salient lexical item may suffice (Nortier & Dorleijn, 2013).…”
Since the 1980s, an increasing number of studies on youth languages in Europe has appeared. In this paper, a selection of the literature on linguistic practices and identity work by young people in multilingual and multiethnic urban areas in Western Europe is reviewed and discussed. Practices in Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden are focused on. From a bird's eye view, the literature on linguistic practices of urban youth in other West‐ and South‐European countries is reviewed as well. After a sketch of the context in which the first studies on multilingual and multiethnic youth languages appeared, research on youth languages in the five focus countries is presented, followed by a comparison of linguistic characteristics. Specific features from the levels of grammar, lexicon, and pronunciation are used to index social belonging and identity.
“…Thus, native speakers of German may use lexical items from Turkish (Auer & Dirim, ), and Dutch speakers with a Moroccan background may use lexical items from Sranan (Surinamese Creole). The Dutch example (9) below, with lexical material from the Moroccan language Berber and Sranan (Surinamese) was uttered by a speaker with a Moroccan background (Nortier & Dorleijn, ). …”
Section: Linguistic Characteristics Of Uyss'smentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In order to be identified as a UYSS speaker, it is not necessary to include all linguistic levels at the same time. Sometimes, even the use of a single salient lexical item may suffice (Nortier & Dorleijn, 2013).…”
Since the 1980s, an increasing number of studies on youth languages in Europe has appeared. In this paper, a selection of the literature on linguistic practices and identity work by young people in multilingual and multiethnic urban areas in Western Europe is reviewed and discussed. Practices in Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden are focused on. From a bird's eye view, the literature on linguistic practices of urban youth in other West‐ and South‐European countries is reviewed as well. After a sketch of the context in which the first studies on multilingual and multiethnic youth languages appeared, research on youth languages in the five focus countries is presented, followed by a comparison of linguistic characteristics. Specific features from the levels of grammar, lexicon, and pronunciation are used to index social belonging and identity.
“…Much of the work on borrowing in contact situations hesitates to offer generalizations about outcomes, citing in part the unpredictable nature of language external factors (e.g., Sankoff, 2001;Thomason, 2001;Winford, 2001 Exceptions from the proposed hierarchies (which also include "accessibility" hierarchies and "speaker's intention with or overt reference to presupposition domain, " Matras 2009: 161) imply extraneous constraints on the system, which, with the case of lexical borrowing, for example, includes a need or desire to fill gaps or convey prestige (Matras, 2009:151; see also Nortier and Dorleijn, 2013) and metrolingualism (Pennycook and Otsuji, 2015), where the structural boundaries of languages and notions such as monolingualism and bilingualism are rendered problematic; speakers freely utilize the linguistic tools that are available to them, regardless of whether or not it constitutes a "language. "…”
Section: Borrowing In Language Contact Situationsmentioning
This article focuses on the issue of pragmatic borrowing and how it manifests in language contact settings where the language of influence is a nonnative language for the receiving speech community. In this case, the languages under investigation are English and its unidirectional influence on Finnish. The article first establishes the behavior of pragmatic elements in traditional language contact settings, then moves on to problematize the notion within contemporary language contact settings. The article then moves on to specific examples of pragmatic borrowings from English into Finnish, including pliis ('please'), oh my god, and about. The discussion accounts for the social, pragmatic, semantic and grammatical incorporation of these elements into Finnish, demonstrating that the borrowed forms have characteristics which are distinct from both the source language (English) as well as heritage form in the recipient language (Finnish). Included in the discussion of these forms is a proposed trajectory for how such borrowings enter into native discourse, as well as the success vs. failure of pragmatic borrowings in entering mainstream discourse.
“…Depending on the approach taken, different terms such as ethnolect, multiethnolect and urban youth speech style have been proposed (cf. Aissati et al 2005;Nortier and Dorleijn 2008;Nortier and Dorleijn 2013;Dorleijn et al 2015;Cheshire et al 2015). In the case of Dutch, it is generally assumed that two different heritage language groups, namely Caribbean Creole languages and Moroccan languages, have been the main source of influence on the current youth varieties (Dorleijn et al 2015: 273).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…DSL and DML together have been described as a "multiethnolect" (Nortier and Dorleijn 2008;Nortier and Dorleijn 2013;Muysken 2013;van Meel 2016). However, the term multiethnolect itself is not uncontroversial.…”
It is assumed that there exists a multiethnolect in the Netherlands that is used by Dutch youth with different heritage backgrounds. It is lexically mainly influenced by Sranan Tongo while phonetically it is mainly influenced by a Moroccan Dutch accent. In this article, I will argue, based on metalinguistic comments given in interviews, that Moroccan Dutch youth speech in the city of Gouda departs from this conception of multiethnolect. Interviews with Moroccan Dutch teenagers there reveal that, in their youth variety, Sranan Tongo lexical items are not readily accepted and used. In addition, their perception of Straattaal differs from the perception of their Indigenous Dutch peers in Gouda. In this way, a different light can be shed on multiethnolect in the Netherlands.
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