Mortality decline in India, 1951–1961: Development vs public health program hypothesis

Krishnan, P

doi:10.1016/0037-7856(75)90076-1

Cited by 13 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…The relationships between the availability of health facilities, women's use of them, and female literacy have been well established, as have their combined effects on mortality [59]. Certain areas of India such as Kerala and Goa bear further witness to the strength of the relationships.…”

Section: Access To Health Carementioning

confidence: 99%

Women and Nutrition: Reflections from India and Pakistan

Chatterjee¹,

Lambert²

1989

Food Nutr Bull

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In 1987 India and Pakistan had a total population of 913.1 million, which is considerably greater than that of all 49 countries of Africa (587.9 million). Of these, 440 million were women, 200 million being of childbearing age. Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state, alone had a population of 128.5 million, which was significantly greater than that of Africa's largest country, Nigeria, the total population of which was 101.9 million. This paper discusses the nutrition situations of women in India and Pakistan; occasional inferences are also drawn from Bangladesh. The nutritional status of women and their nutrition-related roles are clearly interrelated. Through these diverse roles, women influence the nutritional status of individual household members (e.g., through child care) and of the household as a unit (e.g., by earning). As they are members of the households in which they acquire, cook, serve, consume, and store food, their own nutrition status is the effect of the exercise of these roles and of the ensuing household nutritional status.While women's nutrition status is an integral part of their household's nutrition profile, it is also a cause of the household's nutrition status, since performance of nutrition-related roles depends, for example, on women's energy level. Socio-economic and socio-cultural factors (e.g., income, literacy, traditional beliefs) simultaneously influence both women's nutrition status and their nutrition-related roles. On the Indian subcontinent, the apparent contradiction between women's primary responsibility for household nutrition (e.g., food preparation, health care) and their own serious malnutrition renders a simultaneous examination of these two aspects particularly interesting. Women's nutritional statusA discussion of women's nutrition status can deal with it both in terms of absolute levels and in relation to that of men. The latter approach would include issues of discrimination between males and females in nutritionrelated matters such as feeding and health care and consequent gender differences in nutritional status. These aspects are, of course, intimately related. Nutritional levelsIn India, the National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau (NNMB) collected data on household and individual food consumption, and individual nutrition status (judged by anthropometric and clinical indicators) during the late 1970s and early 1980s in ten major states of the country on a sample basis. In a representative year, 1979 (there were no discernible secular trends in these data), 41% of households were calorie inadequate in the national aggregate, and 79% were short of both calories and protein [1]. Calorie inadequacy in the different states varied from 23% of households in Andhra Pradesh in the south to more than 65% in Uttar Pradesh in the north. The percentages of individuals who were calorie inadequate were consistently higher at both the national level (46%) and the state level (28%-70%), suggesting that in a proportion of households (variable across states), whereas total food ...

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Section: Access To Health Carementioning

confidence: 99%

Women and Nutrition: Reflections from India and Pakistan

Chatterjee¹,

Lambert²

1989

Food Nutr Bull

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“…One manifestation of this mortality decline has been labeled the population explosion, in that the large increase in the numbers of people has been associated with drops in deaths, rather than increases in fertility. There has been considerable debate about the causes of the mortality decline; some participants have argued it has been the result of increasing success in the Birth, 1950Birth, -55 to 1970Birth, -75 -1950Birth, -55 1970 application of communicable disease control technologies through public health activities (Stolnitz, 1975); others that it has been the result of general economic improvement, particularly in the elimination of famines and improved nutrition available to the people of the less developed countries (Krishnan, 1975). The relationship of health status to social and economic well-being has long been recognized, but argument has it that the association between economic levels and health status has weakened in recent decades, with the increasing capacity of social or health programs to affect health.…”

Section: Health Levels -Historical Trends and Relationshipsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Correlates of life expectancy in less developed countries

Grosse

Perry

1982

Health Policy and Education

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Analyses were performed to investigate several hypotheses concerning the multiple determinants of levels of life expectancy in developing countries in recent decades and some possible explanation for the observed variations in amount of gain in life expectancy from the 1950's to the 1970's. The findings were significant. For level of life expectancy the results of this present work conform by and large to results of other scholars in this area, although the present work is unique in that only developing countries were included. From the 1960's to the 1970's there has been a shift in the relative importance of economic indicators and general social indicators in favor of the social indicators. In the period 1960-65 some 70% of the variation in levels of life expectancy was associated with per capita income and literacy rates in a ratio of about three to two in favor of the economic variable. By 1970-75 the ratio has become six to one in favor of literacy. In addition, the multivariate model showed that the sanitation variables began to appear as significant correlates of levels of life expectancy in the more recent time period, playing a larger role than level of income per capita. Work pursued as part of a separate but concurrent project explored explicitly this three-way interaction between literacy, life expectancy and sanitation. For change in life expectancy from 1950 through 1970, associations were quite different. Per capita income was not associated with the absolute change in life expectancy, and the associations with literacy were much smaller than earlier observed with level of life expectancy at a point in time. In the multivariate model the primary correlates with change were the sanitation variables and health personnel as represented by population per midwife. Tests for such associations with variations in amount of gain in life expectancy have not been found in other literature and comparison with other findings can therefore not be made directly. The present work suggests that it may be lower skill levels of health manpower and activities in sanitation that are the main correlates in a multivariate model of absolute change in life expectancy.

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“…The third birth is demographically important in that it represents the dividing line between above and below replacement-level fertility. During the last three decades, mortality rates (including infant mortality) in India have declined significantly (Krishanan, 1975;Preston & Bhat, 1984;Beenstock & Sturdy, 1990) due to introduction of Western medical technology, including public health. By comparison, the slow rate of decline in the fertility level is rather discouraging (Chaudhry, 1989;Dyson & Somawat, 1983).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sex preference and third birth intervals in a traditional Indian society

Nath

Land

1994

J. Biosoc. Sci.

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SummaryThe traditional preference for sons may be the main hindrance to India's current population policy of two children per family. In this study, the effects of various sociodemographic covariates, particularly sex preference, on the length of the third birth interval are examined for the scheduled caste population in Assam, India. Life table and hazards regression techniques are applied to retrospective sample data. The analysis shows that couples having two surviving sons are less likely to have a third child than those without a surviving son and those with only one surviving son. Age at first marriage, length of preceding birth intervals, age of mother, and household income have strong effects on the length of the third birth interval.

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Mortality decline in India, 1951–1961: Development vs public health program hypothesis

Cited by 13 publications

References 9 publications

Women and Nutrition: Reflections from India and Pakistan

Women and Nutrition: Reflections from India and Pakistan

Correlates of life expectancy in less developed countries

Sex preference and third birth intervals in a traditional Indian society

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