Morphosyntactic and phonological constraints on negative particle variation in French-language chat discourse

Compernolle, Rémi A. van

doi:10.1017/s0954394508000112

Cited by 39 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…Furthermore, this study compares only instances of verbal negation in which the secondnegative pas is used, since a preliminary analysis revealed that less than 5% of student-produced negations involved other second-negatives (e.g., rien, personne, jamais). This rate is significantly lower than that of the non-educational chat corpus, in which second-negatives other than pas account for about 20% of all negations (see van Compernolle, 2007avan Compernolle, , 2007bvan Compernolle, , 2008a, a finding consistent with rates observed in studies of informal spoken French (e.g., Hansen & Malderez, 2004).…”

Section: Data Codingsupporting

confidence: 69%

“…Thus, the discourse analyzed here is drawn from naturally occurring many-to-many chat discussions among potentially socio-biographically diverse informants. Our observations of these and other similar channels hosted by a French server over a period of about three years suggest that most users are native speakers of European French and that those who are not have appropriated most -if not all -of the linguistic norms established by these online groups, which align closely with norms observed in informal spoken (European) French (see van Compernolle, 2007avan Compernolle, , 2007bvan Compernolle, , 2008a van Compernolle, , 2008b.…”

Section: Non-educational Chat Data Collectionsupporting

confidence: 55%

“…Van Compernolle (2008a), who analyzed these non-educational chat data in depth, reports that subject type was the most influential morphosyntactic factor. Results of statistical variable rule (VARBRUL) analyses revealed that ne retention is favoured with nominal subjects and [-overt] subject (i.e., imperative) environments, while non-clitic and clitic pronoun subject environments disfavour ne retention.…”

Section: Patterns Of Variation In the Non-educational Chat Corpusmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Variable Omission ofnein Real-Time French Chat: A Corpus-Driven Comparison of Educational and Non-Educational Contexts

Compernolle¹,

Williams²

2009

The Canadian Modern Language Review

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This article reports on the variable omission of the French negative particle ne (the first marker of verbal negation) in synchronous (i.e., real-time) electronic communication environments. Patterns of variation in a corpus of non-educational chat (i.e., free, public-access Internet chat) are analyzed and compared to data produced by first-, second-, and third-year American university students of French in an educational setting. First-and second-year students retained ne nearly categorically; third-year students used ne five times more often than participants in the non-educational context. Considerable inter-individual variation was observed in the third-year student data, although only one student exhibited native-like patterns of variation. The results are discussed within the broader context of teaching and learning sociolinguistic variation in French as a second or foreign language, with a specific focus on using authentic electronic discourse as one way of sensitizing students to sociolinguistic variation.

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Section: Data Codingsupporting

confidence: 69%

Section: Non-educational Chat Data Collectionsupporting

confidence: 55%

Section: Patterns Of Variation In the Non-educational Chat Corpusmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Variable Omission ofnein Real-Time French Chat: A Corpus-Driven Comparison of Educational and Non-Educational Contexts

Compernolle¹,

Williams²

2009

The Canadian Modern Language Review

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“…For our work, the studies of R. van CompernoUe (2008CompernoUe ( , 2010 on French online chats are very important. This research is based on another form of computermediated communication, with the foUowing overaU results:…”

Section: State Of the Art And Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Negation marking in French text messages

Stark¹

2012

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This study investigates the drop of the first clitic element, ne, of French sentential negation. It is based on 4,628 French text messages taken from the newly established corpus sms4science.ch. It shows that regional or stylistic factors do not play a major role in triggering ne deletion or ne retention, and that the only relevant language-internal factor is subject type, more precisely clitic subjects (also in subject doubling structures) and subject drop, which seem to favour or even trigger categorically ne deletion. Our findings are in keeping with those by R. van Compernolle (2008) on European French in online chats, and thereby indicate partially specific regularities in French computer-mediated communication (CMC). The findings question traditional assumptions on ne drop as a variety marker in French, irrespective of the phonic or graphic nature of the data (cf. P. Koch and W. Oesterreicher 2011). In fact, even in graphically deviant data, ne drop seems to follow the observed robust language-internal regularities. Some data seem to indicate that the graphic nature of SMSes plays a role also in ne-drop (cf. similar conclusions by R. van Compernolle 2008 for chats); this has to be checked by examining a larger number of French text messages.

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“…Finally, in any case, degree-zero learnability allows children access to the initial C-domain of embedded clauses where the Welsh preverbal negative particles may be housed. The parallel loss of preverbal ne in French has been the subject of extensive study (see Armstrong 2002, Ashby 1981, Ayres-Bennett 1994, Fonseca-Greber 2007, Lüdicke 1982, Martineau & Mougeon 2003, Sankoff & Vincent 1980, Van Compernolle 2008. Details of the factors favouring loss of the preverbal markers are clearly different in the two cases.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Motivating the emergence of new markers of sentential negation

Willis

2010

DIA

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This article investigates the historical emergence of postverbal negation in Welsh. Welsh undergoes a shift from preverbal negation (Middle Welsh ny(t)) to postverbal negation (Present-day Welsh ddim "not" < Middle Welsh dim "at all" < dim "thing, anything") (Jespersen's Cycle). In Middle Welsh, ddim occupies a late clausal position, but it later undergoes a syntactic reanalysis which moves it to an earlier immediately post-subject position. It also shifts in status from a weak negative polarity item, appearing in interrogative, conditional and negative clauses, to a purely negative particle. The article argues that, when ddim begins to occupy an earlier clausal position around 1600, it becomes phonologically less salient, and subsequently loses its emphatic sense in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Finally, the article considers the loss of the preverbal negative marker ni(d) in spoken Welsh, and whether this can best be understood as a push chain (ddim makes ni(d) unnecessary) or as a pull chain (ni(d) is phonologically weak and needs reinforcing by ddim). It concludes that push-chain explanations are most probable for the earlier part of the development up to 1750, with pull-chain explanations being more convincing thereafter.

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Morphosyntactic and phonological constraints on negative particle variation in French-language chat discourse

Cited by 39 publications

References 34 publications

Variable Omission ofnein Real-Time French Chat: A Corpus-Driven Comparison of Educational and Non-Educational Contexts

Variable Omission ofnein Real-Time French Chat: A Corpus-Driven Comparison of Educational and Non-Educational Contexts

Negation marking in French text messages

Motivating the emergence of new markers of sentential negation

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