Money matters: The impact of gender quotas on campaign spending for women candidates

The last decade has seen an expansion of party primaries as a means of selecting legislative candidates. Since primaries are rarely subsidized, well-resourced candidates have a considerable advantage, which has an impact on equality, diversity and representation. This article focuses on the well-regulated legislative primaries in Israel, examining the gender gap in campaign expenditures, and its implication for the success of women candidates. The analysis is based on data regarding 365 candidates (97 women and 268 men) who competed in seven primary contests in three parties between 2008 and 2015. Our findings show that male candidates spend on average more than female candidates do. However, this difference is pronounced among new candidates only. Moreover, we find that men do better than women in terms of electoral success and that this electoral advantage is explained by the differences in campaign expenses and the share of incumbents between women and men.

Section: The Gender Funding Gap and Its Implications For Electoral Su...mentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Campaign expenditures and electoral outcomes in Israeli legislative primaries – A financial gender gap?

Atmor

Harsgor

Kenig

2022

“…The extent to which this is achieved depends largely on party politics as well as the overall institutional framework of public funding, of which GTPF is a part (Feo and Piccio, 2020). Legal regulatory frameworks governing political money and well-designed GTPF in tandem with gender quotas could have a significant impact on parties’ decision-making, which has been proven in places where financial sanctions have been introduced, such as France, Portugal, and Ireland (Buckley and Mariani, 2021; Mazur et al, 2020; Ohman, 2018). Clear numerical quotas for female candidates (30% currently, 40% from 2023) with a strong sanction of a 50% reduction in state funding for parties that do not comply with the target quota in Ireland, or the legal requirement of gender parity and cutting state funding for parties in proportion to the gender gap in the number of candidates in France were proven to disincentivize parties from circumventing candidate quotas.…”

Section: Literature Review and Theory: Conditions Of Effective Gtpfmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Above all, it will boil down to money problems’: The impact of gender-targeted public financing on political parties and women candidates in South Korea

Shin

Kwon

2022

This article analyzes the conditions under which gender-targeted public financing can improve gender equality in politics by taking South Korea as an example. The South Korean laws require that 10% of state funds for parties be spent on women’s leadership training. Additional financial subsidies are granted to qualifying parties for subsidizing the campaign of female candidates. Our analysis indicates, however, that the outcome is mixed. Parties’ practices of candidate nomination which have privileged male politicians have not changed. Instead, a large portion of the single-member district seats and public funding regime has facilitated large parties to monopolize additional public funding. This article suggests that the institutional design of public finance, without taking into consideration broader institutional frameworks, could end up reinforcing existing inequality.

“…As elsewhere, women are better supported and represented in left-leaning parties in the UK (Buckley and Mariani, forthcoming). Yet experiences of discrimination were strikingly similar within both parties.…”

Section: Does Party Make a Difference?mentioning

confidence: 99%

It’s a rich man’s world: How class and glass ceilings intersect for UK parliamentary candidates

Murray

2021

Why is politics dominated by wealthy men, and how do gendered and class barriers to running for office intersect? This article addresses these questions using the UK as a case study. Drawing on interview data, I highlight the formal and informal institutions that shape the class and glass ceilings in electoral politics. I identify how the high personal costs of running for office, especially in relation to candidates’ time, present a barrier to those without significant financial resources. These costs are gendered, as women typically have less time and money than men. These resource barriers are compounded by additional gendered obstacles including discrimination, abuse and gendered family roles. I find that the intersection of the class and glass ceilings creates cumulative barriers that are particularly prohibitive for working-class women. The findings extend our understanding of class and gender gaps within politics and, crucially, the intersection between them.