Abstract:If during the 1960s the coup d'état emerged as the most visible and recurrent characteristic of the African political experience, by the 1980s quasi-permanent military rule, of whatever ideological hue, had become the norm for much of the continent. At any moment in time, up to 65 per cent of all Africa's inhabitants and well over half its states are governed by military administrators. Civilian rule is but a distant memory in some countries. Few at some stage or another have not been run by an armed-forces ju… Show more
“…Similarly, the primary criteria for the promotion of officers in coup‐proof states are affiliation and loyalty—not merit, skill, or expertise. Seyni Kountché, who ruled Niger from 1974 to 1987, for instance, placed his cousins in charge of both the armed forces and the competing Praetorian Guard (Decalo 1989:564).…”
Section: Theory: the Impact Of Regime Type On Coup‐proofingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… More specifically, for the Philippines, for example, Lee (2008); for Mali, for example, Decalo (1989:562); for Portugal, for example, Wheeler (2003:124); for Cuba, for example, Goure (1989); for South Africa, for example, Howe (1994:46) and Ellis (1998:209); for Italy, for example, Mondini (2006:457); for China, for example, Liu (1979:829); for Ivory Coast, for example, N’Diaye (1999); for Niger, for example, Decalo (1989:563); and for Thailand, for example, Heginbotham (2002). …”
The existing literature on military effectiveness established the robust claim that democracies are more successful and effective in winning interstate wars. One mechanism that explains this relationship heavily draws upon the underlying effect of regime type on civil–military relations. Still, this relationship has not yet been explored systematically, and rigorous empirical research on this issue remains surprisingly scarce. In order to address this shortcoming, this study investigates the patterns of civil–military relations according to different regime types, that is, democracies and nondemocracies. More specifically, the authors examine whether and how democracies invest in coup‐proofing, that is, strategies employed to prevent the military from seizing power. The main argument is derived from a principal‐agent logic and claims that coup‐proofing is both a relatively less attractive and necessary instrument for democratic principals. By analyzing newly compiled time‐series cross‐sectional data on states’ coup‐proofing efforts in 1975–1999, the core hypothesis is tested in a quantitative framework.
“…Similarly, the primary criteria for the promotion of officers in coup‐proof states are affiliation and loyalty—not merit, skill, or expertise. Seyni Kountché, who ruled Niger from 1974 to 1987, for instance, placed his cousins in charge of both the armed forces and the competing Praetorian Guard (Decalo 1989:564).…”
Section: Theory: the Impact Of Regime Type On Coup‐proofingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… More specifically, for the Philippines, for example, Lee (2008); for Mali, for example, Decalo (1989:562); for Portugal, for example, Wheeler (2003:124); for Cuba, for example, Goure (1989); for South Africa, for example, Howe (1994:46) and Ellis (1998:209); for Italy, for example, Mondini (2006:457); for China, for example, Liu (1979:829); for Ivory Coast, for example, N’Diaye (1999); for Niger, for example, Decalo (1989:563); and for Thailand, for example, Heginbotham (2002). …”
The existing literature on military effectiveness established the robust claim that democracies are more successful and effective in winning interstate wars. One mechanism that explains this relationship heavily draws upon the underlying effect of regime type on civil–military relations. Still, this relationship has not yet been explored systematically, and rigorous empirical research on this issue remains surprisingly scarce. In order to address this shortcoming, this study investigates the patterns of civil–military relations according to different regime types, that is, democracies and nondemocracies. More specifically, the authors examine whether and how democracies invest in coup‐proofing, that is, strategies employed to prevent the military from seizing power. The main argument is derived from a principal‐agent logic and claims that coup‐proofing is both a relatively less attractive and necessary instrument for democratic principals. By analyzing newly compiled time‐series cross‐sectional data on states’ coup‐proofing efforts in 1975–1999, the core hypothesis is tested in a quantitative framework.
“…Ante esta realidad, luego de la independencia fueron implementados en los países africanos diferentes mecanismos de neutralización de la injerencia política de las fuerzas armadas. Decalo (1989) sintetiza éstos en tres tipos: primero, un garante externo, es decir, una potencia internacional con una importante inluencia local garantiza la continuidad del régimen civil p.ej. Francia en Costa de Maril, Gabón, Senegal, Camerún); segundo, la compensación, modalidad en donde la autoridad civil otorga prebendas a los oiciales militares más inluyentes a in de que éstos mantengan a los soldados en sus cuarteles (p.ej.…”
Section: Poder Civil Versus Poder Militar: La Realidad De Los Estadosunclassified
“…50 This article will explore the gap left by this literature in the specific context of the Congo by examining the development of the Congolese military during the Congo Crisis, tracing its growth directly from a colonial force into a national military alongside its ascendancy to political takeover under General Mobutu. It will return to the idea that militaries are important for civilmilitary relations by examining how an unprofessional military (assessed against Huntington's criteria for professionalism) can be a driver of civilmilitary instability, just as professionalism can be a driver of stability.…”
A prevalent feature of political competition in postcolonial Africa has been the occurrence of coups and the threat of politically powerful militaries. Yet as scholars of civil-military relations on the African continent have attempted to make sense of military coups, perhaps their most obvious component-the military-has received little critical attention. Indeed, most analyses characterize the military as a dependent factor in explaining coups. This article examines Joseph Mobutu's rise to power in the Congo during the Congo Crisis by analyzing the history of the Congolese military, first from its inception as the Force Publique in 1888 then as the Armée National Congolais (ANC) between independence and Mobutu's seizure of power in 1965. By examining the Congolese military through Huntington's definition of military professionalism, this article argues that Mobutu ascended to power by exploiting his leadership position within a fragmented, ill-disciplined military. It shows that the structure, functions, and behavior of the military are key factors in understanding the development of conditions that allow for military seizures of power.
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