Abstract:The dramatic success of Gender Studies has rested on three developments:(1) making women's lives visible, which has also come to mean making all genders more visible; (2) insisting on intersectionality and so complicating the category of gender; (3) analyzing the tensions among global and local iterations of gender. Through textual analyses and humanities-based studies of cultural representations, as well as cultural studies of attitudes and behaviors, we have come to see the centrality of gender in the struct… Show more
“…Right-wing populism is founded on the further idea of the (threatening) cultural 'other'; usually manifesting as prejudice/intolerance of ethnic minorities [28]. We also acknowledge the current prevalence of white male victimhood discourse [2] [6,7] [29] which is often deeply entwined with right-wing populist rhetoric [1].…”
Section: Right-wing Populism and White Male Victimhoodmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Resentment is then channelled into the standard discourse of white male victimhood by the digital propaganda of the so-called 'manosphere'. The term manosphere refers to online communities that circulate misogynist material [1] [21] [31]. The online 'hate' message is that feminists, LGBTQI+s, left-leaning individuals, people of colour, and so on, have undermined (white) men [32].…”
Section: Right-wing Populism and White Male Victimhoodmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The online 'hate' message is that feminists, LGBTQI+s, left-leaning individuals, people of colour, and so on, have undermined (white) men [32]. It is typically accompanied by longing for 'a lost patriarchal social order' [1] (p. 34).…”
Section: Right-wing Populism and White Male Victimhoodmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Proud Boys are certainly concerned by the alleged 'replacement' of white people by people of colour [57]; but are prone to hysteria when it comes to the imagined 'replacement' of men in positions of power by women [58]. We need to consider the complexities of gender identity and other socio-cultural factors that are constituted at the interface of hetero-normative masculinity and the populist right wing [1]. At that point of discursive struggle, engaging right-wing populist misogynist discourse -online and offline -may have compensatory value for young (white) men who feel they have somehow missed out; in their career, in relationships, in making their views heard.…”
Section: Gendermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It seems there is some affinity between disenfranchised (white) working-class young men and the radical right [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9]. The survey data analysed below were collected for a project on masculinity and the far right in Australia.…”
This paper offers insights into the nexus of youth, masculinity and right-wing populism in Australia. Here we make reference to a wide body of international literature on the topic. There is some affinity between disenfranchised (white) working-class young men and the radical right. Survey data were collected for a project on masculinity and the far right in Australia. 203 young men worked primarily in “blue collar” sectors of the Australian labour force. Some survey responses locate them partly or potentially within the field of the populist right-wing, with many expressing anti-government sentiments and the discourse of white male victimhood. The majority were nostalgic for stereotypical masculinity. While right-wing populist movements across the world certainly differ, they often share a discourse promoting traditional gender roles.
“…Right-wing populism is founded on the further idea of the (threatening) cultural 'other'; usually manifesting as prejudice/intolerance of ethnic minorities [28]. We also acknowledge the current prevalence of white male victimhood discourse [2] [6,7] [29] which is often deeply entwined with right-wing populist rhetoric [1].…”
Section: Right-wing Populism and White Male Victimhoodmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Resentment is then channelled into the standard discourse of white male victimhood by the digital propaganda of the so-called 'manosphere'. The term manosphere refers to online communities that circulate misogynist material [1] [21] [31]. The online 'hate' message is that feminists, LGBTQI+s, left-leaning individuals, people of colour, and so on, have undermined (white) men [32].…”
Section: Right-wing Populism and White Male Victimhoodmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The online 'hate' message is that feminists, LGBTQI+s, left-leaning individuals, people of colour, and so on, have undermined (white) men [32]. It is typically accompanied by longing for 'a lost patriarchal social order' [1] (p. 34).…”
Section: Right-wing Populism and White Male Victimhoodmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Proud Boys are certainly concerned by the alleged 'replacement' of white people by people of colour [57]; but are prone to hysteria when it comes to the imagined 'replacement' of men in positions of power by women [58]. We need to consider the complexities of gender identity and other socio-cultural factors that are constituted at the interface of hetero-normative masculinity and the populist right wing [1]. At that point of discursive struggle, engaging right-wing populist misogynist discourse -online and offline -may have compensatory value for young (white) men who feel they have somehow missed out; in their career, in relationships, in making their views heard.…”
Section: Gendermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It seems there is some affinity between disenfranchised (white) working-class young men and the radical right [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9]. The survey data analysed below were collected for a project on masculinity and the far right in Australia.…”
This paper offers insights into the nexus of youth, masculinity and right-wing populism in Australia. Here we make reference to a wide body of international literature on the topic. There is some affinity between disenfranchised (white) working-class young men and the radical right. Survey data were collected for a project on masculinity and the far right in Australia. 203 young men worked primarily in “blue collar” sectors of the Australian labour force. Some survey responses locate them partly or potentially within the field of the populist right-wing, with many expressing anti-government sentiments and the discourse of white male victimhood. The majority were nostalgic for stereotypical masculinity. While right-wing populist movements across the world certainly differ, they often share a discourse promoting traditional gender roles.
Recent cases of terrorist violence by jihadist, far right, and male supremacist actors share a common, yet underexplored feature -the aim to impose extreme patriarchal political and social orders which are anti-feminist and even misogynistic. This exploratory article draws on several cases across these three groups to highlight two findings. First, we demonstrate that these narratives are increasingly utilized in justifications for violence, and women, and those promoting gender equality, are targeted. Second, that male supremacy is itself is increasingly a distinct anti-feminist ideological motivation for violence. We argue that this topic should be considered and assessed to a greater extent in terrorism scholarship, and in practical efforts to prevent and counter violent extremism.
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