Mapping Religious Change in Latin America

Abstract

Using Latinobarometer survey data, we study the evolution of religious identities among the adult populations of 17 Latin American countries between 1996 and 2013. We find several interesting patterns. First, the current religious landscape is highly dynamic and is becoming increasingly pluralist among a majority of countries. Changes derive not only from the growth of Evangelicals, as commonly assumed, but also from the sharp rise in irreligious individuals. Second, religious change cannot be convincingly explained by important theories such as secularization, religious economies, and anomie. However, the predictions derived from anomie theory seem more useful for understanding Evangelical growth. Finally, our cohort analysis indicates that aggregate religious change largely results from individual-level change across time-religious conversion and apostasy-rather than from generational replacement. Still, there are interesting variations across countries in that respect.

An enchanted modernity: Making sense of Latin America’s religious landscape

“…The main religious transformations in Latin America have been the challenge to the Catholic hegemony by Pentecostals and the “unaffiliated,” (Somma et al, 2017) as well as the diversification within Catholicism. 1 Pentecostals have changed the landscape with their growing membership and increased demand for participation, emotional involvement, and a change of daily life patterns, typical of Pentecostalism (Camurça, 2009; Chestnut, 2003a; Cleary, 2006; Fernandes, 2009; Freston, 2001; Martin, 1990; Oro, 1996; Pédron Colombani, 2008; Sanchis, 1997; Steigenga and Cleary, 2007; Stoll, 1990).…”

Ideological Preferences and Evolution of the Religious Cleavage in Chile, 1998–2014

“…The possible reasons for and mechanisms behind this difference are not obvious and seem to be a relevant topic for future inquiry. More generally, we currently know very little about Evangelical political behavior, which seems increasingly odd, as Evangelicals have become a large group in Chile and are rapidly gaining in numbers in several Latin American countries (Somma, Bargsted, and Valenzuela 2017).…”

Dealigned or Still Salient? Religious‐Secular Divisions in Chilean Presidential Elections

“…While voting behaviour was long structured along religious‐secular lines (Scully, 1992, 1995) – working initially to the benefit of the Partido Demócrata Cristiano (PDC, Christian Democratic Party: see Herrera, Morales and Rayo, 2019), and in more recent elections to the benefit of the parties on the right (Raymond and Feltch, 2014; Valenzuela, Somma and Scully, 2018) – Chile has seen considerable secularisation since re‐democratisation. Like with Western Europe (though perhaps not yet to the same extent), an increasing share identify as non‐religious (Somma, Bargsted and Valenzuela, 2017) and rates of church attendance have declined considerably over time (Luna, Monestier and Rosenblatt, 2013: 930; Brenner, 2016; Bargsted and De la Cerda, 2019). The latter trend can be seen in Figure 1, which presents the percentages of the adult Chilean population attending religious services at least weekly, monthly, yearly, or never attending using surveys conducted by the Centro de Estudios Públicos in the run‐up to the five most recent elections (1999, 2005, 2009, 2013, 2017).…”

“…To be sure, the religious‐secular cleavage is not the only religious cleavage that exists. In several countries, there have been considerable changes in religious markets resulting from the growing number adhering to one of several Protestant denominations (Chestnut, 2003; Somma, Bargsted and Valenzuela, 2017). This has led to what are sometimes significant differences in voting behaviour between Catholics and Protestants, particularly when Protestants are mobilised by religious leaders to support different parties and candidates than those supported by Catholics, or when one of the candidates is Protestant (Boas and Smith, 2015; Boas, 2016).…”

“…Much of this debate has centred on the case of Chile – in large part because it is one of the most economically developed countries in Latin America (thus making Chile comparable to many democracies in Western Europe where dealignment has occurred). Moreover, the percentage of Chileans not identifying as religious or attending church is among the highest in Latin America (Luna, Monestier and Rosenblatt, 2013: 930; Somma, Bargsted and Valenzuela, 2017). If dealignment were to occur anywhere in Latin America, previous literature predicts that it would occur in Chile.…”