Long distance scrambling in Japanese

Saitō, Mamoru

doi:10.1007/bf00129574

Cited by 316 publications

(182 citation statements)

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“…The issue is important because i) practically no convincing evidence has been found for overt verb raising in absolute head final languages despite that evidence is abundant for syntactic verb raising in head initial languages, and ii) the validity of a number of influential works on Japanese syntax such as Saito (1992), Tada (1993), andMiyagawa (1994) directly hinges on the timing of verb raising.…”

Section: Chapter Seven String Vacuous Overt Verb Raisingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…M-scrambling is considered to be ambiguous between A and A-bar movement (cf. Tada 1993;Miyagawa 1991;Saito 1992; but see Yoshimura 1992). To account for the acceptability of these sentences, I have suggested elsewhere (Koizumi 1991) that they involve a scrambling of the embedded VP (or some larger phrase), as shown in (70 At that time, two objections were raised against this analysis (by personal communication).…”

Section: (I) Restrictmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Phrase Structure in Minimalist Syntax

Koizumi¹

1998

Journal of Japanese Linguistics

163

202

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This thesis is a study of clause architecture within a theory of generative grammar. It discusses four major syntactic hypotheses that have crucial bearing on the design of phrase structure: the Agreement-based Case theory, the internal subject hypothesis (ISH), the uniform three-level X-bar theory, and a hypothesis about string vacuous head movement.In Chapter 2 through Chapter 4, I discuss object positions in three typologically and genetically different languages, i.e. English, Zarma, and Japanese, and argue that they all possess Object Agreement Phrases (AGRoP). A consideration of learnability suggests that the presence of AGRoP in these languages, particularly in Japanese, is not learnable from the data available to children. Thus, it is highly likely that UG is so construed that every language has AGR (THE UNIVERSAL AGR HYPOTHESIS).In Chapter 5, I turn to subject positions. There is conflicting evidence regarding the base-position of the external argument. Some data indicate that the external argument originates in a position lower than its surface position, as is expected under the internal subject hypothesis. Other data suggest that the base-position of the external argument is outside AGRoP and the VP that dominates the main verb and the internal arguments. If the ISH is correct in that all arguments of a predicate category (e.g. V) originate within the maximal projection of this category, then the apparently contradicting data suggest that there are two verbs, hence two VPs, in a single clause (THE SPLIT VP HYPOTHESIS). One verb is above AGRoP, and the other is below AGRoP. The so-called external argument is an argument of the upper V, and "internal arguments" are arguments of the lower V.Chapter 6 is concerned with X-bar theory. I argue, contrary to the wide held view, that some functional categories allow more than one specifier position within their projections (LAYERED SPECIFIERS), and that the number of specifiers is different across categories. If this is correct, the X-bar schema as such cannot be a part of Universal Grammar, as already suggested in Fukui (1986) and others. Our claim, however, is crucially different from Fukui's (1986) in that the specifiers of functional categories do not necessarily (but sometimes do) "close off" their projections.In Chapter 7, I discuss string vacuous verb raising in head final languages. In particular, I present evidence that verbs in Japanese raise out of the VP in overt syntax. Its consequences are also explored to various aspects of syntactic theory such as the Proper

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Section: Chapter Seven String Vacuous Overt Verb Raisingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: (I) Restrictmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phrase Structure in Minimalist Syntax

Koizumi¹

1998

Journal of Japanese Linguistics

163

202

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“…However, recent literature has shown that this particular instance of scrambling has peculiar properties that make it more like A-movement than other kinds of scrambling. In particular, the goal asymmetrically c-commands the theme in (58a), while the theme asymmetrically c-commands the goal in (58b) for purposes of anaphora and bound pronouns (Saito (1992); see also Mahajan (1990) for Hindi). This reversal of prominence is exactly comparable to what one finds in the English dative alternation (Barss andLasnik 1986, Larson 1988); thus, it is reasonable to think of the alternation in (58) as a kind of dative shift.…”

Section: A Note On Direct Object Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Thematic Roles and Syntactic Structure

Baker¹

1997

Kluwer International Handbooks of Linguistics

367

121

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“…Fanselow (1991), Grewendorf & Sabel (1994), Frank et al (1992), Stechow (1992), and Haider (1993), among others, for these kinds of data); and in the Japanese example (10-c), long-distance scrambling of DP (which is an option as such in Japanese) is accompanied by remnant CP scrambling (cf. Saito (1992)). In all these cases, ungrammaticality results; i.e., anti-freezing is somehow suppressed.…”

Section: Müller-takano Generalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Remnant movement in local derivational grammar

Müller¹

2015

Remnant Movement

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This paper sets out to substantiate three claims. First, there is (conceptual and emiprical) evidence for adopting a local derivational approach to syntax (as opposed to non-local derivational, local declarative, and non-local declarative approaches). Second, the general counter-bleeding effect with remnant movement provides an argument for a derivational approach as such, but raises problems for a local derivational approach as it is presupposed in phase-based minimalist syntax. Third, this challenge can be met if the movement-related features of moved items (like [wh]) have values that act as buffers, storing minimal aspects of the derivational history on the moved item. Background Two DichotomiesCurrent theories of syntax can roughly be grouped into four classes according to two dichotomies: An approach can be derivational (such that syntactic structures are generated by structure-building and structure-manipulating operations) or declarative (such that syntactic structures are viewed as potential objects that have to comply with the grammatical constraints of a language); and an approach can be local (such that all syntactic dependencies are confined to local domains, e.g., subtrees, and syntactic constraints have access only to these subtrees) or non-local (such that syntactic dependencies can span larger portions of structure, potentially the whole sentence, and syntactic constraints also have access to these large domains). A cross-classification yields four models of grammar: Current local derivational approaches include most prominently the Minimalist Program (Chomsky (2001;), where syntactic structures are generated bottom-up, by alternating operations like Merge, Move, and Agree, and the accessible window of a derivation is quite small throughout (it is standardly assumed to be confined to the minimal phase). GPSG (Gazdar (1981), Gazdar et al. (1985)) and HPSG (Pollard & Sag (1994), Sag & Wasow (1999), Müller, St. (2007) belong to the class of local declarative approaches: Dependencies and constraints are evaluated in small subtrees (essentially, mother-daughter relations), and syntactic structures are assumed to be licensed by constraint satisfaction, rather than being generated successively by syntactic operations. Next, there are non-local derivational models,

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Long distance scrambling in Japanese

Cited by 316 publications

References 6 publications

Phrase Structure in Minimalist Syntax

Phrase Structure in Minimalist Syntax

Thematic Roles and Syntactic Structure

Remnant movement in local derivational grammar

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