“…Thus, lexical access was presumably completed for high-frequency words while low-frequency words were still being processed. Results from behavioral and eye movement studies corroborate this hypothesis revealing longer reaction times (e.g., Forster & Chambers, 1973;Rubenstein et al, 1970) and fixation durations on low-frequency words (e.g., Inhoff & Rayner, 1986;Kliegl et al, 2004;Kliegl et al, 2006;Rayner & Duffy, 1986;Schilling et al, 1998). In supplementary Frequency and predictability effects in reading 16 analyses we tested whether the result was caused by words of different lengths rather than by frequency.…”
Section: P200mentioning
confidence: 66%
“…Readers take longer to recognize low than high-frequency words (e.g., Forster & Chambers, 1973;Rubenstein, Garfield, & Millikan, 1970). Eye-movement research corroborated this finding, revealing longer fixations on low than on high-frequency words (e.g., Inhoff & Rayner, 1986;Kliegl, Grabner, Rolfs, & Engbert, 2004;Kliegl, Nuthmann, & Engbert, 2006;Rayner & Duffy, 1986;Schilling, Rayner, & Chumbley, 1998).…”
Effects of frequency, predictability, and position of words on event-related potentials were assessed during word-by-word sentence reading in 48 subjects in an early and in a late time window corresponding to P200 and N400. Repeated-measures multiple regression analyses revealed a P200-effect in the high-frequency range; also the P200 was larger on words at the beginning and end of sentences than on words in the middle of sentences (i.e., a quadratic effect of word position). Predictability strongly affected the N400 component; the effect was stronger for low than for high-frequency words. The P200 frequency effect indicates that high-frequency words are lexically accessed very fast, independent of context information. Effects on the N400 suggest that predictability strongly moderates the late access especially of low-frequency words. Thus, contextual facilitation on the N400 appears to reflect both lexical and post-lexical stages of word recognition, questioning a strict classification into lexical and post-lexical processes.
“…Thus, lexical access was presumably completed for high-frequency words while low-frequency words were still being processed. Results from behavioral and eye movement studies corroborate this hypothesis revealing longer reaction times (e.g., Forster & Chambers, 1973;Rubenstein et al, 1970) and fixation durations on low-frequency words (e.g., Inhoff & Rayner, 1986;Kliegl et al, 2004;Kliegl et al, 2006;Rayner & Duffy, 1986;Schilling et al, 1998). In supplementary Frequency and predictability effects in reading 16 analyses we tested whether the result was caused by words of different lengths rather than by frequency.…”
Section: P200mentioning
confidence: 66%
“…Readers take longer to recognize low than high-frequency words (e.g., Forster & Chambers, 1973;Rubenstein, Garfield, & Millikan, 1970). Eye-movement research corroborated this finding, revealing longer fixations on low than on high-frequency words (e.g., Inhoff & Rayner, 1986;Kliegl, Grabner, Rolfs, & Engbert, 2004;Kliegl, Nuthmann, & Engbert, 2006;Rayner & Duffy, 1986;Schilling, Rayner, & Chumbley, 1998).…”
Effects of frequency, predictability, and position of words on event-related potentials were assessed during word-by-word sentence reading in 48 subjects in an early and in a late time window corresponding to P200 and N400. Repeated-measures multiple regression analyses revealed a P200-effect in the high-frequency range; also the P200 was larger on words at the beginning and end of sentences than on words in the middle of sentences (i.e., a quadratic effect of word position). Predictability strongly affected the N400 component; the effect was stronger for low than for high-frequency words. The P200 frequency effect indicates that high-frequency words are lexically accessed very fast, independent of context information. Effects on the N400 suggest that predictability strongly moderates the late access especially of low-frequency words. Thus, contextual facilitation on the N400 appears to reflect both lexical and post-lexical stages of word recognition, questioning a strict classification into lexical and post-lexical processes.
“…First, it might be interpreted as an effect of frequency of occurrence of the forms with Low, Medium, and High Reduction. Higher frequency words are recognized faster (Rubenstein et al, 1970;Forster & Chambers, 1973). It might be the case that word forms with a High Degree of Reduction occur less frequently than forms with less reduction and that this is the reason that the Highly Reduced forms are recognized less accurately.…”
This article addresses the recognition of reduced word forms, which are frequent in casual speech. We describe two experiments on Dutch showing that listeners only recognize highly reduced forms well when these forms are presented in their full context and that the probability that a listener recognizes a word form in limited context is strongly correlated with the degree of reduction of the form. Moreover, we show that the effect of degree of reduction can only partly be interpreted as the effect of the intelligibility of the acoustic signal, which is negatively correlated with degree of reduction. We discuss the consequences of our findings for models of spoken word recognition and especially for the role that storage plays in these models.
“…Effects of word frequency are taken as an upper limit for lexical access (e.g., Forster and Chambers, 1973;Rubenstein et al, 1970;Sereno et al, 1998;Hauk and Pulvermüller, 2004, but see Balota and Chumbley, 1984 for a different view). Lexical access involves the matching of features extracted from the stimulus to internal representations of words.…”
Section: Early Phonological Activation In Visual Word Recognitionmentioning
Previous research using event-related brain potentials (ERPs) suggested that phonological processing in visual word recognition occurs rather late, typically after semantic or syntactic processing. Here we show that phonological activation in visual word recognition can be observed much earlier. Using a lexical decision task, we show that ERPs to pseudohomophones (e.g., ROZE) differed from well matched spelling controls (e.g., ROFE) as early as 150 ms (P150) after stimulus onset. The pseudohomophone effect occurred as early as the word frequency effect suggesting that phonological activation occurs early enough to influence lexical access. Low-resolution electromagnetic tomography analysis (LORETA) revealed that left temporo-parietal and right fronto-temporal areas are the likely brain regions associated with the processing of phonological information at the lexical level. Altogether, the results show that phonological processes are activated early in visual word recognition and play an important role in lexical access.
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