Legislating personal politics in sandinista nicaragua, 1979–1992

Kampwirth, Karen

doi:10.1016/s0277-5395(97)00083-6

Cited by 11 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…14 Work by Judith Hellman also suggests that double militancy has the potential to import "more democratic and fully participatory approaches to political and social activism" (Hellman 1987: 194) into nonfeminist organizations (e.g., political parties). Karen Kampwirth makes a similar argument about Nicaragua and the AMNLAE's democratizing impact in the Sandinista government and its successors (Kampwirth 1996: 140-141;Barrig 1994;Kampwirth 1998).…”

Section: Double Militancy: Identity and Locationmentioning

confidence: 96%

Beyond compare? Women's movements in comparative perspective

Beckwith

2000

European J Political Res

152

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This article reviews a selected range of comparative political research on women's movements, a subfield of political science whose recent proliferation now positions it at the leading edge of women and politics scholarship. Recognizing that "women" as a category of research is of necessity heterogeneous and informed by differences of race, class, ethnicity, nationality, generation, and religion, the article argues that this complex intersectionality need not mean that women's movements are beyond the scope of comparative political research. Rather, as the research focus of women and politics scholars has become increasingly carefully specified, general patterns are evident in the research that should serve to advance the comparative study of women's movements and comparative political research more generally. The article focuses on definitional challenges and the limitations of conflating "women's movements", "feminist movements", and "women in social movements", and discusses four major research arenas within which cross-national commonalities among women's movements are evidenced. These include the relationship between women's movements and political parties; "double militancy" as a potentially distinctive collective identity problem for women's movement activists; the extent to which political opportunities for women's movements are (or can be) gendered; and the relationship between women's movements and the state. The article concludes with suggestions for future research in the subfields of comparative women's movements and comparative politics.

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Section: Double Militancy: Identity and Locationmentioning

confidence: 96%

Beyond compare? Women's movements in comparative perspective

Beckwith

2000

European J Political Res

152

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“…Furthermore, Bastiaensen (2000) says the Sandinistas largely replicated the previous vertical, patriarchal governance system. More precisely, the Sandinista leadership often perceived of women as mothers and supporters rather than fighters in the revolution and leaders in the new government, thus reinforcing traditional gender roles and essentializing women (Bayard de Volo, 2001;Kampwirth, 1998a;Linkogle, 2001;Mulinari, 1996). This situation was further complicated by strong opposition from the Catholic Church on matters of contraception, education, divorce and abortion.…”

Section: Gender and Revolution In Nicaraguamentioning

confidence: 99%

Revolution, Interrupted: Gender and Microfinance in Nicaragua

Haase

2011

Critical Sociology

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Now reaching over 100 million families, the burgeoning microcredit movement has come to play a dominant role in the international development agenda. This is especially true in Nicaragua, where microcredit has supplanted the Sandinistas' more radical approaches to poverty alleviation and women's empowerment. Survey and focus group data from borrowers with seven prominent Nicaraguan microfinance institutions show that women benefit less than men from microcredit because they get smaller loans and they invest those loans in less lucrative businesses. Also, these women are constrained by household responsibilities. These findings call into question neoliberal notions that market forces can solve societal problems such as gender inequality.

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“…38 While most of the reforms that transformed women's conditions could be called feminine (that is, they improved women's lives without challenging power dynamics between men and women), some Sandinista reforms, especially in the rst few years of the revolution, were genuinely feminist and therefore very controversial. 39 Close ties to the FSLN meant that AMNLAE rightfully shared some of the credit for Sandinista reforms. Early in the Sandinista period, the organization's main goal was to provide support for the government's programs.…”

Section: The Importance Of Controlling the Statementioning

confidence: 99%

Legislating personal politics in sandinista nicaragua, 1979–1992

Cited by 11 publications

References 6 publications

Beyond compare? Women's movements in comparative perspective

Beyond compare? Women's movements in comparative perspective

Revolution, Interrupted: Gender and Microfinance in Nicaragua

Feminism, Antifeminism, and Electoral Politics in Postwar Nicaragua and El Salvador

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