Feminism, Antifeminism, and Electoral Politics in Postwar Nicaragua and El Salvador

Kampwirth, Karen

doi:10.2307/2657856

Cited by 24 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 2 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Others (Alvarez 1990;Kampwirth 1998) distinguish between 'feminine' and 'feminist' interest. Feminine interests, like practical interests, do not necessarily challenge women's sex/gender roles, although they clearly emerge out of them.…”

Section: Promoting 'Women 'S Interests' In the Forma L Political Arenamentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Women's activism and the politicization of gender inequality during transition politics is well documented (Jaquette 1989;Alvarez 1990;Waylen 1994Waylen , 1994Nelson and Chowdhury 1994;Friedman 1998;Jaquette and Wolchik 1998;Kampwirth 1998). Far less attention has been paid to how women seek entry into political institutions once transitions are complete and 'normal' politics have resumed.…”

mentioning

confidence: 96%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Women in Politics in Post-Transitional Democracies: the chilean case

Franceschet¹

2001

International Feminist Journal of Politics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Abstr actThis article looks at women's participation in formal political institutions in posttransition politics. Employing the case of post-dictatorship Chile, it outlines the barriers to women's participation in the formal political arena; discusses the various strategies that Chilean women are currently employing to overcome their exclusion; and nally, examines the challenges that political women confront in promoting 'women's interests' in political institutions. Throughout the article two main arguments are advanced. First, where women's movements do not demand institutional reforms during the transition period -a time when movements enjoy in uence and parties are in ux -then the barriers to women in political institutions re-emerge. In Chile, the fact that women did not demand institutional reforms, such as quotas for women in decision-making positions, is linked to the broader strategy of the movement to make citizenship demands based on women's 'difference'. This strategy inhibited women from demanding power (i.e. access to institutions as individuals) because this conformed to a masculine-de ned notion of politics inconsistent with women's 'different' style of practising politics. A second, related argument is that a strategy based on women's 'difference' hinders women in politics from promoting feminist goals, especially in the climate of social conservatism that characterizes post-transition Chilean politics. Despite these constraints and the many challenges Chilean women in politics confront, gains are being made, as women recognize the need for, and begin to demand, institutional reforms to expand their presence in formal politics.

show abstract

Section: Promoting 'Women 'S Interests' In the Forma L Political Arenamentioning

confidence: 97%

mentioning

confidence: 96%

Women in Politics in Post-Transitional Democracies: the chilean case

Franceschet¹

2001

International Feminist Journal of Politics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The class begins with a discussion of the definition of nontraditional political action and a brainstorm of reasons of why women might choose to engage in protest (Freedman 1979), rebellion (Kampwirth 1998), terrorism (Cunningham 2007), and other illegal political actions. The instructor grounds this discussion in the idea of the state as the only actor that can legitimately engage in force.…”

Section: Activitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The instructor grounds this discussion in the idea of the state as the only actor that can legitimately engage in force. The class uses the assigned reading (Kampwirth 1998) to define feminine action (undertakings consistent with women's traditional place in society) and feminist action (activities that work for gender equality and challenge gender roles in society). The class discusses the American suffragettes and their hunger strike and force feeding (Freedman 1979), the Madres de Plaza de Mayo and their protest of the disappearances of their family members, and women setting fire to their veils in Yemen in 2011, debating whether each is feminist or feminine action.…”

Section: Activitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Building a Gender and Methodology Curriculum: Integrated Skills, Exercises, and Practices

Cassese

Holman

Schneider

et al. 2015

Journal of Political Science Education

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this article, we develop an argument for better integrating the political science curricula on methodology with gender politics. We demonstrate how these two areas are presently distinct and nonoverlapping with an analysis of commonly used methodology and women and politics textbooks. We examine the implications of these results for female students' engagement with political methodology-an area in which women are persistently underrepresented-by drawing on research from STEM educators. Stereotype threat (Steele 1997; Steele and Aronson 1995) provides a framework for thinking about the myriad of ways the curriculum influences learning outcomes for female students and highlights the utility of greater crossover between the two subject areas. To facilitate better integration of methodology and gender politics, we identify opportunities for instructors to incorporate methods into courses on gender and gender into courses on methods. We also develop a number of different in-class activities and resources to help faculty to bridge the gap between gender and methodology.

show abstract

“…Having concluded that women had been marginalized in the 1992 peace accords, they attempted to exert pressure on the political parties competing in the 1994 elections to support a platform advocating women's rights. Upon realizing that 'the political parties were no more interested in women's issues than the peace negotiators had been', they launched Mujeres '94 (Women '94), a multipartisan coalition of women that worked to increase female voter turnout, persuade parties to include women's demands in their platform, and elect female candidates (Kampwirth, 1995).…”

Section: Doble Militancia and Impartiality Issuesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Women's Networking and Alliance Building in Post-War Central America

Luciak¹

2002

Development

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Ilja A. Luciak examines the efforts of Central American women, from both the political left and right in El Salvador and Nicaragua, to build alliances across ideological boundaries in order to effectively advocate women's rights during the transition toward political systems rooted in democratic governance and gender equality. He discusses coalition-building in El Salvador and Nicaragua in order to demonstrate the progress that has been made and the key challenges confronting the leaders of the Central American women's movement. He argues that female leaders are playing an increasingly important role in the fight to ensure democratic governance in Central America. Development (2002) 45, 67–73. doi:10.1057/palgrave.development.1110320

show abstract

Feminism, Antifeminism, and Electoral Politics in Postwar Nicaragua and El Salvador

Cited by 24 publications

References 2 publications

Women in Politics in Post-Transitional Democracies: the chilean case

Women in Politics in Post-Transitional Democracies: the chilean case

Building a Gender and Methodology Curriculum: Integrated Skills, Exercises, and Practices

Women's Networking and Alliance Building in Post-War Central America

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About