Legal Opposition Politics under Authoritarian Rule in Brazil

Kinzo, Maria D'Alva Gil

doi:10.1007/978-1-349-08790-7

Cited by 71 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…In many countries with compulsory voting laws, rates of BNS ballots -what we call the residual vote rate -are often quite high, and have often been interpreted as protest votes, that is, abstentions-due-to-alienation (Schwartzman 1973;Alves 1985;Kinzo 1988;Lamounier 1989;Power and Roberts1995). However, it has also been observed that compulsory voting systems also tend to have higher residual vote rates in down-ballot contests, which is also consistent with abstention-due-to-indifference even in these countries.…”

Section: Abstention In Presidential Electionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residual Votes and Abstentions in the 2016 Election

et al. 2018

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This paper provides a preliminary analysis of the increase in the residual vote rate from 2012 to 2016, when it increased from 0.99% to 1.87% nationwide. It is reasonable to assume that this spike in the residual vote rate is due to a rise in abstentions. However, there are currently other trends in election administration, such as an increasing reliance on vote-by-mail, that could also be driving up the residual vote rate. And, even if the recent up-tick in the residual vote rate is primarily due to an increase in abstentions in 2016, it is not a priori obvious that the source of new abstentions was equally distributed among disaffected Democrats and Republicans. The analysis in this paper relies on a combination of public opinion data and election returns to address these issues. We find, first, that the increase in abstentions in 2016 was most likely due to disaffected Republicans, rather than an across-the-board phenomenon. We also confirm that the increase in the 2016 residual vote rate was not due to changes in voting technologies between 2012 and 2016. We address three issues in the conclusion that this analysis raises: (1) the potential for the growth of protest voting in the U.S., (2) the likelihood that there is a significant under-reporting of voter abstentions in public opinion surveys, leaving a role for aggregate analysis to study this phenomenon, and (3) cautions about the use of the residual vote rate as a metric to gauge the accuracy of voting technologies.

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Section: Abstention In Presidential Electionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residual Votes and Abstentions in the 2016 Election

et al. 2018

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“…Even though this was published in the mid-1990s it is very similar to the legal reasoning used by the military regime in the 1970s. as such became strengthened by groups like the Feminine Movement for Amnesty (Greco 2003), Brazilian exiles networks acting transnationally (Green 2010;Cruz 1998) and more mainstream actors like the opposition party MDB and the Catholic Church (Kinzo 1988). These groups helped to construct the "frames of meaning" regarding human rights (Keck and Sikkink 1998, 4) that first focused on issues of torture and political prisoners (Serbin 2000).…”

Section: The Search For Systematic Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Clashing frames: human rights and foreign policy in the Brazilian re-democratization process

Roriz

2017

Rev. bras. polít. int.

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• Este é um artigo publicado em acesso aberto e distribuído sob os termos da Licença de Atribuição Creative Commons, que permite uso irrestrito, distribuição e reprodução em qualquer meio, desde que o autor e a fonte originais sejam creditados. AbstractThis article deals with the use of rights in the Brazilian foreign policy in the late 1970s. Two main arguments are advanced: there was a novel understanding of rights that clashed with the traditional statist one, and the Brazilian strategies were less a complete rebuttal of rights language and more a reading of rights as a possible threat to the Abertura process.Keywords: Human rights; Brazilian foreign policy; Ernesto Geisel administration; democratic transition; Brazilian military regime. Received: September 6, 2016Accepted: June 26, 2017Introduction H uman rights history has traditionally been a field dominated by lawyers. Before the 1990s, only a few historians dedicated themselves to the issue. However, more recently, the history of the field has become a burgeoning line of enquiry, and several works have generated heated debates; especially the question of origins. The canonical view usually portrays human rights as coming of age in a post-Holocaust world after a long path deriving from either a broader natural law tradition or the liberal revolutions of the late 18 th century. The coming of age is, according to this view, confirmed by the international treaties of the 1940s considered as the birthplace of the present notion of human rights. Even though this view alleges that the force of human rights' normative language has deep roots in previous centuries, the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights is highlighted as the apex of a coherent evolution of instruments bringing about the 'Age of Rights'.Notwithstanding the broader acceptance of this perspective, it has also been increasingly disputed and undermined as simplistic and triumphalist. The linear conception of human rights by the

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“…Aqueles alinhados com o governo militar (membros da ARENA) buscaram se fortalecer em seus estados, onde seus poderes locais se aprofundaram e as antigas práticas políticas se perpetuaram (Hagopian, 1996). Em particular, o apoio à ARENA durante o regime tinha uma relação inversa com o grau de urbanização dos municípios (Kinzo, 1988). Segundo Power (2000), a dependência de transferências do governo era particularmente grande em áreas rurais, lugares onde a população tinha pouco ou nenhum conhecimento a respeito do debate político existente na época, e das políticas públicas formuladas pelo governo militar devido à pouca quantidade de informação que chegava a essa parcela da população.…”

Section: Contexto Institucionalunclassified

A reação da elite política incumbente na abertura democrática brasileira

Bruce

Rocha

2015

Rev. Econ. Polit.

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The reaction of the political incumbent elites in the Brazilian democratic opening. This paper examines one of the possible channels through which incumbent elites aligned with the Brazilian dictatorship were able to withhold their political power during the democratization in the 1980s. Based on national household survey data and results from legislative elections, we first find that recently franchised illiterate voters who lived in states that were dominated by the elite party during the dictatorship had a higher probability to register to vote than those who lived in other states. We then investigate whether this positive correlation represents a reaction from the incumbent elites in order to keep their political power through voter manipulation or a reaction from these voters in order to

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Legal Opposition Politics under Authoritarian Rule in Brazil

Cited by 71 publications

References 0 publications

Residual Votes and Abstentions in the 2016 Election

Residual Votes and Abstentions in the 2016 Election

Clashing frames: human rights and foreign policy in the Brazilian re-democratization process

A reação da elite política incumbente na abertura democrática brasileira

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