2017
DOI: 10.1093/sp/jxx013
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Latin America’s Left-Turn and the Political Empowerment of Indigenous Women

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Cited by 16 publications
(10 citation statements)
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“…The Morales government dismantled the existing state machinery, the Vice-Ministry on Gender and Generational Affairs within the Ministry of Sustainable Development, and created a new Office on Gender and Generational Violence in the new Vice-Ministry on Equal Opportunities. The new office had limited decision-making authority, lacked human, technical and financial resources, and operated at the lowest level of the organizational and structural hierarchy of the Ministry of Justice (Rousseau and Ewig 2017). Due to this, it was unable to intervene in national processes nor to coordinate with gender mechanisms and bodies operating at the subnational level in the context of the process to increase the autonomy of local communities.…”
Section: Boliviamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Morales government dismantled the existing state machinery, the Vice-Ministry on Gender and Generational Affairs within the Ministry of Sustainable Development, and created a new Office on Gender and Generational Violence in the new Vice-Ministry on Equal Opportunities. The new office had limited decision-making authority, lacked human, technical and financial resources, and operated at the lowest level of the organizational and structural hierarchy of the Ministry of Justice (Rousseau and Ewig 2017). Due to this, it was unable to intervene in national processes nor to coordinate with gender mechanisms and bodies operating at the subnational level in the context of the process to increase the autonomy of local communities.…”
Section: Boliviamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We might attribute incorporation to changes in public attitudes about female participation, to which state-level politicians would presumably be eager to respond (Inglehart and Norris 2003). Or the case might be explained by the rise of women's social movements, as in the suffragist movement in the United States (McCammon et al 2001), the push for legislative gender quotas in many countries (Krook 2007;Piscopo 2015), improvements in indigenous women's representation (Rousseau and Ewig 2017), or the adoption of policies to combat violence against women (Beer 2017;Htun and Weldon 2012). In addition, we might suspect that those who promoted female inclusion were anticipating a partisan advantage or some other political benefit.…”
Section: Existing Theories Of Female Empowerment and Subordinated Autmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Most scholars characterise Peru as a country with weak indigenous movements, whose demands would have no influence in regional and national policies (Van Cott, ; Yashar, ; Rice, ; Rousseau and Ewig, ; Callirgos, ), even though 25 percent of the population self‐identify as indigenous (INEI, ) and its socio‐economic structures are similar to those of Bolivia and Ecuador, where indigenous movements are stronger. This weakness is characterised by limited indigenous political identity, political scale and electoral involvement.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%