La influencia de Tiwanaku en San Pedro de Atacama: Una investigación utilizando el análisis de isótopos del estroncio

Abstract

RESUMEN El alcance de la influencia de Tiwanaku en San Pedro de

San Pedro De Atacama Y La Cuestión Tiwanaku en El Norte De Chile: Impresiones a Partir De Un Clásico Estudio Cerámico Y La Evidencia Bioarqueológica Actual (400-1.000 D.C.)

“…No obstante aquello, algunos estudios bioarqueológicos como los realizados para los conocidos cementerios de Solcor han postulado la existencia de una mayor variabilidad al interior de la población local, al menos a nivel funerario (Bravo y Llagostera 1986;Knudson 2007;Nado et al 2012). En la actualidad, esto ha permitido fortalecer la idea que los grupos autóctonos de San Pedro de Atacama manejaron los vínculos con Tiwanaku de diversas formas durante el período Medio.…”

Examining Local Social Identities Through Patterns of Biological and Cultural Variation in the Solcor Ayllu, San Pedro De Atacama, Chile

“…Due to differences in the precision of these analytical techniques, strontium isotope ratios produced at UNC-Chapel Hill are reported to the sixth decimal place, while ratios produced at ASU are reported to the fifth decimal place. b These data have been previously published elsewhere (Knudson and Price 2007;Knudson 2008; see also Torres-Rouff and Knudson 2007).…”

“…This combination of local and nonlocal or foreign style objects argues against the notion that state representatives from the Tiwanaku core inhabited San Pedro de Atacama (Stovel 2001:388;Torres and Conklin 1995:91) and instead suggests the appropriation and use of Tiwanaku material symbols by local peoples for their own purposes. While textile evidence has been used to argue for an ethnic enclave of Tiwanaku colonists within the Coyo Oriental cemetery (Kolata 1993:277;Oakland Rodman 1992), radiogenic strontium isotope analyses of human remains from Coyo Oriental suggests that first generation immigrants to the oases were rare (Knudson 2008), and it is possible that stylistically different textile groups may instead represent local lineages with differential access to Tiwanaku-style trade goods (Goldstein 2005:94).…”

“…Interaction between San Pedro de Atacama and Tiwanaku appears archaeologically in the form of Tiwanaku stylistic elements incorporated into local traditions, small numbers of imported goods found primarily in mortuary contexts, and limited changes in cultural uses of the body (Le Paige 1971;Llagostera et al 1988;Torres-Rouff 2008, 2009). Local settlement patterns and utilitarian ceramic wares used during the Middle Horizon remain largely unchanged from earlier periods (Mujica 1996).…”

“…Cranial modification practices often represent the conscious manipulation of the infant body to provide a visual, permanent, and conspicuous marker of group identity (e.g., Blom 2005aBlom , 2005bTorres-Rouff 2002, 2009. Ethnohistoric documents from the Andes substantiate the use of cranial modification style as a means of overt, visual differentiation between groups (see Blom 2005a), and previous archaeological studies of cranial modification in the region (e.g., Allison et al 1981;Gerszten 1993;Hoshower et al 1995;Torres-Rouff 2002, 2009) have been able to link specific cranial modification forms and practices to group identity at a variety of sociospatial scales. At San Pedro de Atacama, changing cultural influences associated with the Middle Horizon seem to have resulted in the diversification of cranial vault modification styles among the local population (Torres-Rouff 2009).…”